Крылатые фразы Гитлера. Высказывание Гитлера на немецком.

The quote in a viral meme with the Nazi leader's picture read: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas of Christianity. Our movement is Christian.".

Адольф Гитлер цитаты

Adolf Hitler – Wikiquote	Подождите немного. Если воспроизведение так и не начнется, перезагрузите устройство. Welcome to Uncensor History Here at Uncensor History, we believe that all history should be free and accessible to all, regardless of how dark or evil it is. We believe that history should be preserved and.
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком	Цитаты, афоризмы на немецком с переводом.
Diktatoren: Adolf Hitler - Diktatoren - Geschichte - Planet Wissen	Hitler on the Jews, taken from the transcript of a speech given in July 1922.
Цитаты Адольфа Гитлера	Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком кричит.

Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года

Hitler Quotes. Here are some of the best quotes ever said by Adolf Hitler. Most of them are taken from his speeches and others from his own published writings. But unlike other sites on the Internet that maintain a similar collection of Hitler quotations, this page actually quotes the date when it was said. Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. 1 00:00:00,000 --> 00:00:04,900 Ob du meine Arbeit für richtig hältst, 2 00:00:05,000 --> 00:00:08,990 ob du glaubst, dass ich fleißig gewesen bin, dass ich gearbeitet habe. 3 00:00:09,000 --> 00:00:11,900 dass ich mich in diesen Jahren für dich eingesetzt habe, 4 00:00:12,000 --> 00:00:16,990 dass ich. Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Meine Ehre heißt Treue! Верность – моя честь! Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура.

Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом

Демократичность и мир - дорога к неизбежной гибели. Только борясь можно придти к тому миру, каким его видел Адольф Гитлер. Всё это воспевается с давших времён. Древний Рим, Имперский орёл с расправленными крыльями, приветствие... Борьба и только борьба. Но, что с того народа, если он потерпел поражение в этой войне?

Будь готова к худшему. Sei auf das Schlimmste fertig. Жизнь - игра. Das Leben ist ein Spiel. Делаем вид, что все хорошо, а внутри страшная боль. Wir tun, es sei alles gut, drinnen ist aber ein schrecklicher Schmerz. Мы ничего не можем предугадать. Дай мне силы. Удача всегда со мной. Поступки сильнее слов. Мама и Папа, я люблю вас. Mutter und Vater, ich liebe euch. Боже сохрани меня! Bewahre mich Got! Только потеряв - мы начинаем ценить. Одна любовь, одна судьба! Eine Liebe, ein Schicksal! Как жаль, что некоторые моменты никогда больше не повторятся. Wie schade, dass einige Momente des Lebens sich nie mehr wiederholen. Чем сильнее что-то любишь, тем сложнее это терять. Иногда не хватает лишь капельки смелости, которая может изменить всю жизнь. Каждый человек имеет право на ошибку. Но не всякая ошибка имеет право на прощение. Jeder Mensch hat sein Recht auf einen Fehler. Nicht jeder Fehler hat ein Recht auf Verzeihung. Цените своих близких, пока они рядом. Идеальных людей не бывает, цените тех, кто смог полюбить ваши недостатки. Не судите чужого прошлого — вы не знаете своего будущего. Gott mit uns. С нами Бог. Jedem das Seine. Каждому свое. Тот, кто много знает, стремиться к ясности; тот, кто хочет показать, что много знает, стремиться во тьму. Перевод — более опасный враг правды, чем ложь. Меня потрясло не то, что ты меня обманываешь, а то, что я тебе больше не верю. Тот, у кого нет двух третей времени на себя, — раб. Тот, укого есть «Зачем» жить, вынесет любое «Как». То, что делается из любви, всегда находится по ту сторону добра и зла. Friedrich Nietzsche Фридрих Ницше Dem wird befohlen, der sich nicht selber gehorchen kann. Приказываюттому, кто сам себе не умеет повиноваться. Надежда — это радуга над падающим вниз ручейком жизни. Без музыки жизнь была бы глупостью. Иметь фантазию — не значит что-то выдумывать; это значит, делать что-то новое из вещей. Religion ist Ehrfurcht - die Ehrfurcht zuerst vor dem Geheimnis, das der Mensch ist. Религия — это благоговение — в первую очередь перед тайной, которую представляет собой человек. Если ты простил человеку все, значит с ним покончено. В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в смысле и ценности жизни, он болен. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны. Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум. Нужно думать, как единицы, и говорить, как большинство. Постоянны только изменения. Die Feinde sind es. Друзьями себя называют. Врагами — являются. Прощать и забывать, значит выбрасывать ценный опыт в окно. Arthur Schopenhauer Артур Шопенгауэр Wir denken selten an das, was wir haben, aber immer an das, was uns fehlt. Мы редко думаем о том, что имеем, но всегда о том, чего нам не хватает. Все наши беды от того, что мы не можем быть одиноки. Границы языка — это границы мира. О том, о чем нельзя говорить, нужно молчать. Редко, когда человек знает, во что же он на самом деле верит. Нельзя оскорбить того, кто не хочет быть оскорбленным. Два величайших тирана вмире: Случай и Время. Любовь может быть только добровольной, так как только тот, кто располагает собой, может отдавать себя. Вам также может быть интересно...

For these democracies which indulge in phrases about peace are the most bloodthirsty war agitators. In Poland there ruled no democracy, but a man; and with him I succeeded, in precisely twelve months, in coming to an agreement which, for ten years in the first instance, entirely removed the danger of a conflict. We are all convinced that this agreement will bring lasting pacification. We realise that here are two peoples which must live together and neither of which can do away with the other. A people of 33 millions will always strive for an outlet to the sea. A way for understanding, then, had to be found; it has been found; and it will be ever further extended. Certainly things were hard in this area. The nationalities and small national groups frequently quarrelled among themselves. But the main fact is that the two Governments, and all reasonable and clear-sighted persons among the two peoples and in the two countries, possess the firm will and determination to improve their relations. It was a real work of peace, of more worth than all the chattering in the League of Nations Palace at Geneva. There can scarcely be any difference of opinion to-day among the true friends of peace with regard to the value of this agreement. One only needs to ask oneself what might have happened to Europe if this agreement, which brought such relief, had not been entered into five years ago. In signing it, this great Polish marshal and patriot rendered his people just as great a service as the leaders of the National Socialist State rendered the German people. During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe. The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents. Here, too, the Peace Treaty of Versailles-of course intentionally-inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. This problem is-as I have already stressed-perhaps the most painful of all problems for Germany.

Gegeben zu Berlin, den 29. April 1945, 4. Adolf Hitler.

Цитаты Гитлера на немецком

Адольф Гитлер (1889-1945) был диктатором Германии с 1933 по 1945 годы и является одним из ключевых персонажей Второй мировой войны. (русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Meine Ehre heißt Treue! Верность – моя честь!

Цитаты Гитлера

Speech on the Invasion of Czechoslovakia by Adolf Hitler (Fall Grün) \| Alternative History \| Fandom	Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern.
Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом	Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ!
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком	Hitler on the Jews, taken from the transcript of a speech given in July 1922.
Excerpts of Hitler’s Speeches on German-Polish Peace, 1935-1939 \| Justice for Germans	Цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке напоминают о трагических событиях и важности мира.
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом	немецкий непальский нидерландский норвежский ория панджаби персидский польский португальский пушту руанда румынский русский самоанский себуанский сербский сесото сингальский синдхи словацкий словенский сомалийский суахили суданский таджикский тайский.

служба утерянных цитат - 9

I know well enough that I should not have been successful if Poland had had a democratic Constitution. For these democracies which indulge in phrases about peace are the most bloodthirsty war agitators. In Poland there ruled no democracy, but a man; and with him I succeeded, in precisely twelve months, in coming to an agreement which, for ten years in the first instance, entirely removed the danger of a conflict. We are all convinced that this agreement will bring lasting pacification. We realise that here are two peoples which must live together and neither of which can do away with the other. A people of 33 millions will always strive for an outlet to the sea.

A way for understanding, then, had to be found; it has been found; and it will be ever further extended. Certainly things were hard in this area. The nationalities and small national groups frequently quarrelled among themselves. But the main fact is that the two Governments, and all reasonable and clear-sighted persons among the two peoples and in the two countries, possess the firm will and determination to improve their relations. It was a real work of peace, of more worth than all the chattering in the League of Nations Palace at Geneva.

There can scarcely be any difference of opinion to-day among the true friends of peace with regard to the value of this agreement. One only needs to ask oneself what might have happened to Europe if this agreement, which brought such relief, had not been entered into five years ago. In signing it, this great Polish marshal and patriot rendered his people just as great a service as the leaders of the National Socialist State rendered the German people. During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe. The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents.

Here, too, the Peace Treaty of Versailles-of course intentionally-inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany.

Необходимо свести славян до языка жестов. Никакой гигиены, никаких прививок. Только водка и табак.

Если русские, украинцы, киргизы и пр. Ибо таким образом более способные туземцы смогут приобщиться к некоторым историческим знаниям, а значит, и усвоят политические идеи, которые в любом случае хоть как-то будут направлены против нас. Гораздо лучше установить в каждой деревне репродуктор и таким образом сообщать людям новости и развлекать их, чем предоставлять им возможность самостоятельно усваивать политические, научные и другие знания. Только чтобы никому в голову не взбрело рассказывать по радио покоренным народам об их истории; музыка, музыка, ничего, кроме музыки. О евреях Само существование евреев построено на той большой лжи, будто евреи представляют собою не расу, а только религиозную общину.

Когда я увидел, что евреи являются и вождями социал-демократии, с глаз моих упала пелена. Первое, что нам нужно сделать, — это спасти [Германию] от правящих нашей страной евреев… Надо спасти Германию от страданий, доставшихся на долю Другого, смерти на Кресте. Еврей говорит для того, чтобы скрывать свои мысли. Евреи никогда добровольно не откажутся от своих стремлений к мировой диктатуре. Русский большевизм есть только новая, свойственная XX веку попытка евреев достигнуть мирового господства.

О руководстве Искусство истинно великого народного вождя заключается в том, чтобы не дробить внимания народа, а концентрировать его всегда против одного единственного противника. Уметь формировать идеи еще не значит уметь руководить. Одна гениальная идея важнее, чем целая жизнь, заполненная бюрократической работой. Пока я руковожу партией, она не будет дискуссионным клубом для безродных литераторов и салонных большевиков. Симпатии людей легче завоевать устным, чем печатным словом.

Всякое великое движение на земле обязано своим ростом великим ораторам, а не великим писателям. Кто лишен страстности, у кого уста сомкнуты, того небеса не избрали вестником их воли. О борьбе Судьбу всего сущего я вижу в борьбе. Уклониться от борьбы не может никто, если не хочет погибнуть. С тех пор, как Земля вращается вокруг солнца, пока существует холод и жара, буря и солнечный свет, до тех пор будет существовать и борьба.

В том числе среди людей и народов. Если бы люди остались жить в раю, они бы сгнили. Человечество стало тем, что оно есть, благодаря борьбе. Война — естественное и обыденное дело. Война идёт всегда и повсюду.

У неё нет начала, нет конца. Война — это сама жизнь. Война — это отправная точка. Бороться я могу лишь за то, что я люблю. Любить могу лишь то, что я уважаю, а уважать лишь то, что я по крайней мере знаю.

О нации Нет такой нации, которая не могла бы возродиться. Национальное чувство ни в коем случае не является идентичным с династическим патриотизмом. Мононациональное государство в течение удивительно долгих периодов может переносить режим плохого управления, не погибая при этом.

Он же настоял на создании отдельного драконовского уголовного кодекса для поляков на этой территории, поскольку, по его мнению, этот народ был малочувствителен к мягким наказаниям. Однако в целом влияние заместителя фюрера с началом войны упало, и он все больше и больше отдалялся от реальной политики.

Кроме того, рос его интерес к мистике и астрологии, что вкупе с тяжелой ипохондрией заставляло сомневаться в ментальном здоровье заместителя фюрера. К берегу со стороны Cеверного моря приближался одиночный самолет. Ему присвоили обозначение «Рейд 42» и выслали на перехват три истребителя, но те не смогли обнаружить противника. Через полчаса наблюдатели в деревушке Чаттон сообщили о тяжелом истребителе Мессершмитт Bf. Еще через час крестьянин Дэвид Маклин обнаружил на своей ферме Флорс человека, пытающегося освободиться от парашюта.

Говорящий оказался немцем, представился как Альфред Хорн и заявил, что у него есть важное сообщение для герцога Дугласа Гамильтона, командира авиакрыла британских ВВС, расположенного под Эдинбургом. Вскоре задержанный оказался под арестом в казармах Мэрихилл в Глазго. Гамильтон прибыл к казармам на следующее утро и согласился поговорить с заключенным наедине. Его удивлению не было предела: немецкий летчик оказался самим Рудольфом Гессом, прибывшим с дипломатической миссией. Заместитель фюрера предлагал заключить мир: немцы и англичане родственные арийские народы, а в войне между ними гибнет лучший человеческий материал.

Единственным бенефициаром этого выступают большевики, против которых необходимо объединить усилия.

Маленькие дети не дают спать, а большие жить. Papier ist geduldig. Бумага всё выдержит. Всё тайное становится явным. Шила в мешке не утаишь. Кто не успел - тот опоздал.

Wenn zwei sich streiten, freut sich der Dritte. Где два дурака дерутся, там третий смотрит. Kleider Machen Leute. Wer im Glashaus sitzt, sollte nicht mit Steinen werfen. Не руби сук, на котором сидишь. Wie eine Made im Speck leben. Кататься как сыр в масле.

Wer gut futtert, der gut buttert. Каков уход, таков доход. Кто хорошо кормит, у того хорошо пашется. Wenn ich trinke denke ich und wenn ich denke trinke ich Когда я пью - я думаю, а когда я думаю - я пью. Stille Wasser sind tief. В тихом омуте черти водятся. Wer nicht wagt, der nicht gewinnt.

Кто не рискует, тот не пьёт шапманское. Jedem das seine Каждый сверчок знай свой шесток Wer viel gastiert, hat bald quittiert. Хорошо смеется тот, кто смеется последний. Довольному сердцу везде светит солнце. Только мамина любовь длится вечно. Nur die Liebe der Mutter ist ewig. Спаси и сохрани.

Rette und bewahre. Спасибо родителям за жизнь. Счастливая по жизни. Спасибо маме и папе за жизнь. Интуиция - это жизнь! Intuition ist das Leben! Моя мама - мой ангел.

Мечтай так, словно ты будешь жить вечно. Живи так, словно умрешь сегодня. Lebe so, als ob du heute stirbst. Моей любви достойна только мать. Nur Meine Mutter ist meiner Liebe wert. Любовь доступна всем, только не мне. Никто, кроме тебя.

Niemand als du. Все к лучшему! Alles, was passiert, ist zu Gutem! Иду к своей мечте. Ich gehe zu meinem Traum. Я не как все, я лучший. Ich bin nicht, wie alle, ich bin der Beste.

Не будь горд с теми, с кем душа хочет сходить с ума. Жить и любить. Leben und lieben. Удача со мной. Учитесь наслаждаться жизнью… Страдать, она научит сама. Да поможет мне Бог! Hilf mir Gott!

Сильная, но нежная. Stark, aber zart. Любовь победит всё. Liebe besiegt alles. Хочу надолго и по-настоящему. Доверяй только себе. Vertraue nur an sich selbst.

Прощать не сложно, сложно заново поверить. Verzeihen ist nicht schwierig, schwierig ist es aufs Neue zu glauben. Надейся на лучшее. Hoffe dich auf das Beste. Будь готова к худшему.

Речь немцев

Главная» Новости» Фразы гитлера на немецком. Фразы на немецком. Цитаты, афоризмы на немецком с переводом Фразы на немецком. Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на. Воззвание Фюрера к Германскому Народу и Нота Министерства Иностранных Дел Германии Советскому Правительству с приложениями.

Цитаты Гитлера на немецком

Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии поддержки и, прежде всего, немедленно отвести назад немецкие войска, которые продвигаются к Киркенесу на смену прежним? Апеллируя в речи к национальному сознанию, Геббельс, возможно, ориентировался на Сталина, который через двенадцать дней после германского нападения на СССР в своём радиообращении объявил войну СССР против Германии «Великой Отечественной войной»[1]. Главная» Новости» Цитаты гитлера на немецком.

Фразы гитлера на немецком с переводом. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом

Речь 05. Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ.

Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство.

Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24.

Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам. Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры.

Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь.

Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Это — не милитаризм, а закон самосохранения. Речь 14. Теперь пора бы и другим, по-прежнему вооруженным, государствам принять на себя и выполнить аналогичные обязательства.

Раньше мы были оппозицией, а сегодня под нашим знаменем марширует вся немецкая нация! Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. И это были как раз те самые умники, чье поверхностное знание истории давало им повод иронизировать над нашими попытками. Сии благоразумные господа в лучшем случае удостаивали нас своими глумливо-соболезнующими ухмылками.

Речь 23. Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. И умом и чувством наша молодежь должна понять, что это главная из главных и центральная из центральных проблем.

Ни один юноша и ни одна девушка не должны покидать стен школы, не поняв до конца, какое гигантское решающее значение имеет вопрос о чистоте крови. Только так создадим мы основы расового возрождения нашего народа. Только на этих путях выкуем мы все предпосылки нашего дальнейшего культурного развития. Ибо мы должны помнить, что все физическое и умственное воспитание в последнем счете может быть полезно лишь для тех людей, кто понял принципиальную важность расовой проблемы и кто готов действительно сделать все необходимое для сохранения чистоты расы.

Государство является не целью,а средством к цели. Главным фактором последней является исключительно наличие расы,способной стать творцом культуры. Из книги «Mein Kampf» «Разве есть на свете хоть одно нечистое дело, хоть одно бесстыдство какого бы то ни было сорта, в которой не был бы замешан по крайней мере один еврей?

И так в конце столетия начала она политику окружения тогдашней Германии, а в 1914 г.

Только вследствие внутреннего разлада Германия в 1918 г. Последствия были ужасны. После того, как в начале лицемерно говорилось, что борьба велась исключительно против Кайзера и его режима и после того, как германские войска сложили оружие, началось планомерное уничтожение германского государства. В то время, как слова одного французского государственного деятеля, что в Германии существует излишек 20 миллионов людей, который — другими словами — должен был б,ы быть уничтожен посредством голода, болезней или переселений, по-видимому, сбывались буквально, национал-социалистическое движение начало свою работу объединения германского народа, а с этим началось и возрождение Германии.

Это новое освобождение нашего народа от нужды, бедствий и унизительного пренебрежения стояло под знаком внутреннего возрождения. В частности, это не представляло собой угрозы для Англии, и ее не затрагивало. Несмотря на это, сейчас же снова началась новая, преисполненная ненависти, политика окружения, направленная против Германии. Снаружи и внутри создался известный нам комплот евреев и демократов, большевиков и реакционеров, единственной целью которого было воспрепятствовать восстановлению нового германского национального государства и вновь повергнуть Германию в состояние бессилия и бедствия.

Наряду с нами ненависть этого интернационального, всемирного заговора была направлена против таких же обездоленных народов, которые были принуждены зарабатывать насущный хлеб в тяжелой борьбе за существование. Прежде всего, у Италии и Японии так же, как и у Германии, оспаривалось, если не совершенно отнималось, право участия в пользовании земными благами. Сплочение этих нации, таким образом, было лишь актом самозащиты против угрожающей им эгоистической всемирной коалиции богатства и силы. Уже в 1936 г.

Черчилль заявил, по словам американского генерала Вуда, [произнесёнными] перед представителями американской палаты депутатов, что Германия снова становится слишком могущественной и поэтому должна быть уничтожена. Летом 1939 г. Англии казалось, что наступил момент, когда можно вновь начать разложение Германии путем всеобъемлющей политики окружения. Система с этой целью созданной кампании лжи состояла в том, чтобы объявлять другие народы находящимися под угрозой, завлекать их в начале обещаниями английских гарантий и поддержки, а затем, как в мировую войну, заставлять их идти против Германии.

Таким образом, от мая до августа 1939 г. Англии удалось лансировать утверждение, что Литва, Эстония, Латвия, Финляндия, Бессарабия, а также Украина находятся под прямой угрозой Германии. Часть государств дала себя провести этим, приняла обещанные гарантии, предложенные попутно с этим утверждением, и таким образом перекинулась на новый фронт окружения, направленный против Германии. При таких обстоятельствах я счел долгом перед своей совестью и перед историей германского народа не только уверить эти страны и их правительства в ложности сделанных Англией заявлений, но, сверх того, успокоить сильнейшую Восточную Державу путем специальных и торжественных заявлений относительно пределов наших интересов.

Вы все чувствовали в свое время, что этот шаг был для меня горьким и тяжелым. Германский народ никогда не питал враждебных чувств по отношению к народностям России. Однако свыше двух десятков лет еврейско-большевистская власть в Москве старается разжечь пожар не только в Германии, но и во всей Европе. Не Германия пыталась перенести свое национал-социалистическое мировоззрение в Россию, а еврейско-большевистские власти в Москве беспрестанно пытались навязать свое господство нашему и другим европейским народам и делали это не только в моральном смысле, но, прежде всего, также и в смысле военной мощи.

Однако последствиями деятельности этого режима были лишь хаос, бедствия и голод. В противовес этому, я старался в течение двух десятков лет с минимумом вмешательства и без всякого нарушения нашей продукции1 добиться нового социалистического порядка в Германии, который бы не только устранил безработицу, но также предоставлял прибыль труда в возрастающей мере трудящимся людям. Достижения этой политики создания нового экономического и социального порядка в нашем народе, который, планомерно преодолевая сословные и классовые контрасты, стремится к конечной цели — создать истинную народную общность, являются единственными в мире. Поэтому в августе 1939 г.

Я сделал это исключительно в сознании своей ответственности по отношению к германскому народу, но, прежде всего, в надежде на возможность все же в конце достигнуть длительного примирения и уменьшения жертв, которые иначе могли быть от нас потребованы. Наряду с торжественными заверениями Германии в Москве относительно упомянутых областей и стран — за исключением Литвы — как лежащих за пределами германских политических интересов, было достигнуто особое соглашение на случай, если Англии действительно удастся втравить Польшу в войну против Германии. Но также и здесь имело место ограничение германских требований, которое было не пропорционально достижениям германского оружия. В немецком оригинале: «безо всякого нарушения нашего производства» — «ohne jene Zerstoerung unserer Produktion» S.

Результаты этого договора, желаемого мной и заключенного в интересах германского народа, были особенно тяжелы для немцев, живущих в затронутых им странах. Более полумиллиона германских соотечественников -мелкие крестьяне, ремесленники и рабочие — были принуждены почти в течение одной ночи покинуть свою прежнюю родину, чтобы избежать нового режима, угрожающего им непосредственно беспредельными бедствиями, а раньше или позже полным уничтожением. Несмотря на это, тысячи немцев исчезли! Было невозможно даже установить постигшую их судьбу или же хотя бы их местопребывание.

В их числе находятся свыше 160 человек германских подданных. Я молчал в ответ на все это, так как я должен был молчать! Моим желанием было достигнуть окончательного примирения и, если возможно, длительного согласия с этим государством.

We were all only very ordinary soldiers, just as you are now, my dear wounded men sitting here before me.

Unknown and nameless men, whom duty had simply called, nothing else, and who in response had fulfilled their duty as faithfully as they were able. The same motive forces which were to blame for the first world war are now responsible for the second static. Germany then was a monarchy; in other words not a National-Socialist dictatorship. The Germany of that period was democratic, that is, not a national-socialistic state, and the Germany of that period was parliamentarian, that is, not what Germany is today, to say nothing of all other differences.

There had to be reasons therefore, which led to the attack of these powers then as today, and which had nothing to do with the respective forms of government, although both sides pretend that it is just this which called them into the field of battle. They did not enter the war for this reason. They did not enter and are not at war because they were irritated by the form of the state. They are capable of embracing the vilest type of government when necessary and of fraternizing with it.

No, no, it is not a question of a form of a government, but other reasons which brought them previously into a war against the German state. At that time England was the principal initiator of this struggle, England, which during 300 years... Static-part of the sentence unintelligible. People once subjugated to be kept in subjugation.

By force they made one state after another pay them tribute and become their servants. In this manner England has subjugated the world over a period of a few hundred years; and, to make secure this conquest of the world, this subjugation of people, England endeavors to maintain the so-called balance of power in Europe. This means in reality that it endeavors to make sure that no European state is able to win over a certain measure... What they wanted was a disunited, disintegrated Europe, a Europe all of whose forces completely offset one another.

To reach this goal, England conducted one war after another in Europe. She has seen first its powerful position menaced by Spain. When they had finally conquered Spain, they turned their attentions to the Netherlanders. When Holland seemed to represent no further danger, British hate concentrated itself against France.

And when finally France was crushed with the help of all Europe, to be sure, they then imagined that Germany must be, of necessity, the one factor which might possibly be suited to the unification of Europe. Then it was that the struggle against Germany began, not out of love for the nations, but only in their own most sober interests. It is well-known that they have always been the instigators of unrest among the nations, because they were able to profit only in time of unrest, and because a period of peace might lead to reflection and hence, also, to an insight into the ways of these evil-doers of all nations. When, in 1914,a world coalition against the German Reich of that time was first brewing,...

They then said, "Germany must first of all be freed from its Kaiser. But the English always feel concerned for other nations, and for that reason they wanted to free Germany of its Kaiser, then as now. Finally, they said, "There shall be no more war. Therefore let us wage war upon war.

If only one wanted to apply it in retrospect. That means, if one wanted to say, "We agree that war is an injustice because only brutal force decides war. We will eliminate all coercion. Hence we will abolish everything arisen through coercion up to now.

But still it would have been wonderful if England had led the way to the rest of the world in its abhorrence of war in this manner, that it would have liberated the fruits of its own wars, that is, that it would have placed them again at the disposition of the rest of the world. If England had done that, if it had therefore declared: "We abhor war. Therefore, we will immediately return South Africa; because we won it through war. We hate war.

Therefore, we will return the East Indies; we also won those in a war. For instance, we hate war. Therefore, we will also leave Egypt; because this also we have subjugated through force. We shall also retire from the entire Near East; because this also became ours through force.

However, the struggle against war meant something entirely different in England; namely, this war against war was interpreted to mean every possibility of making good the injustices already existing in this world;... It is about the same as the attitude we recognize also in domestic policy, when people say: "We want no change in the social order. He who is rich is to stay rich; he who is poor must stay poor. As things are, so are they willed; and as they are willed, so they are to remain; for man should not rise against that which is once willed, because it is so.

We see in each state and at each moment of this world the evidence of a never interrupted process of life; and it is impossible to say at a certain moment, "Here ceases this evolutionary process. It lies, on the contrary, in the essence of Nature, that ever and again... That means therefore that from the domestic life of peoples the... And so the talk of war on war has been proved quite false.

The best proof for that is that the moment the war was over, the conditions for a new war could by no means be avoided, nor the instruments for waging the new war, either. It would have been a wonderful gesture if after the disarmament of Germany, as it... We suggested it to them often, begged them to at the time of the Weimar Republic, and still later demanded that they do it. They considered it not at all.

On the contrary, the wars went on. Only the defeated people, the German people, lost every prospect ever in this world to change its condition once more for the better. The methods which they used in the first World War were like those with which they are fighting today. At first the war from outside, and war in the form of creating coalitions.

Then he himself admits that they were never in a position to fight alone. But they guaranteed the Baltic states; they guaranteed the Balkans. They went on around: Every state in the world, they declared, needs a guarantee. Great Britain will put her whole strength behind them and will protect them.

Today this same arch-liar says: "But we were really never in a position to carry on the war alone. Therefore they cooked up a coalition against us of world-wide extent. The methods have likewise remained the same. Promises to all those of little faith, the credulous, or stupid, who wanted to trust these promises, moreover, the attempt to allow their own interests to be represented with as much other blood as possible.

This truth is connected with the second British method, that is, with the method of division. In that time that the British Empire had its origin, Germany tore herself apart. There were at that time modes of thought that we no longer understand, modes of thought of a religious kind, that unfortunately were fought out only with the sword, modes of thought that became horrible among the people, that seem insufficient to us in their inner being. Only these grievous internal struggles, that cost the German people endless blood, gave England the opportunity in this same period, to raise up a world claim, that never belonged to her either in number or in significance.

Then I must always point out that it is not true that we Germans are like upstarts, but if one wants to talk about upstarts, then it is unconditionally the English and not ourselves! We have an older history, and in a time when Europe had a powerful German Empire, England was a quite insignificant, small, green island. In the last World War the possibilities of this splitting up lay in another sphere. Afterwards the religious problems did not provoke any more bloodshed, especially since the priests themselves would not have been ready any more to sacrifice their lives for these causes.

We lived through it then. The parties of the right and the parties of the left, which further broke up in a dozen bourgeois aspects, in a half dozen proletarian aspects, and ever split up some more, and having begun with these parties, from the bourgeoisie of the bourgeois center up to the KPD Communist Party of Germany , succeeded this refers back to the parties of the right and left in undermining and breaking down the German people slowly from within. In spite of that, the course of the war was a glorious one. The years 1914-1918-they proved it: in which not even the opponents triumphed.

A low, common revolt was plotted by Marxian-demoralizing-Liberal-Capitalistic subjects-behind all of it as a driving force was the eternal Jew. They brought Germany to its collapse at that time. Only the cowardice of the then rulers, their indecision, their halfway measures, their own uncertainty brought it on. And so the First World War could not alone be lost by the merit of our opponents, but exclusively by our own fault.

The consequences of this collapse in November were not that world democracy stretched out open arms to Germany, were not the concern of others to free the German people from its burdens and to lift the German people to a higher standard of culture. For that they could have no concern at all, for they themselves had a much lower one. But the consequence was just their collapse, the most frightful one, politically and economically, that a people has ever experienced. At that time there came to us a man who has done the German people immeasurable harm, Woodrow Wilson, the man who lied with a straight face.

If Germany would lay down her arms, then she would get a compassionate, an understanding peace! Then she would not lose her colonies! But the colonial problems were fixed up, all right! The man lyingly promised us that there would be a general disarmament, that we would then be accepted on equal terms among nations, peoples, etc.

He lyingly promised us that then secret diplomacy would be done away with, and that we too would then enter into a new age of peace, of equality, of reason, etc.! Screams the last sentence. He was his right hand. Our German folk believed this man then.

They had no idea that they were dealing here with an American President, that is, with a man who has no regard for truths; who, for example, can calmly say before an election: "I shall vote against war," and after the election can say: "I vote for war. So there came the hour then the German people got its disappointment at the moment when the German subordinate emissaries entered the car in the Compiegne forest, now known to us for the second time. And there right away came the rude question: "What are you gentlemen doing here? They said: "He who says that the intention is to take from Germany her...

They said beforehand: "He who says that we want to take away part of the German people is inciting the people! They had broken all their promises! In a few months the German people sank into a state of unimaginably deep despair and despondency-starving people without hope any longer. A people that did not get its war-prisoners back, even after the armistice and peace-treaty had been signed!

A people that was not given food, even after it was defenseless! A people that was now repeatedly coerced,-if one carefully studies those times-from whom re-subjection was again and again demanded, extorted by some new repression. When one reflects upon this even today, one falls even now into a state of burning hatred and rancor against a world in which anything like this is possible. Well, it was at that time, my racial comrades, when everything was broken up, when the upper leadership had faithlessly fled abroad, when others were surrendering, when the Wehrmacht had to give up its weapons, when the people disarmed themselves voluntarily,-it was at that time, when the agitation?

It was such a mad determination in the eyes of those others, that my closest friends did not understand me. I found the strength for this determination only from my knowledge of the people. If, at that time, I had only known the upper ten thousand, believe me, my German people-I would not stand before you today, I would never have found courage for this thought which is capable of revolutionizing a people. I knew at that time first and all the people itself; I knew...

I could not abandon that, for it would have been to betray my own comrades, who were just as badly... I have come to know the great mass of the German people, ladies and gentlemen, from living with them. And these masses have not only upheld my belief in the people, but have restored it, and constantly strengthened it through all the years since then, in the face of contrary circumstances, or when any misfortune seemed to threaten the realization of my plans. It was clear to me that this whole development, just as in the last 20 years or 30 years before the war, could lead only to collapse.

But I had already formed the resolve to declare war on this whole development. That is not merely to declare: "I will get a German Wehrmacht, I will get an army or an air-force"; it was clear to me that the inner structure of the social order must be altered, so that in the dead body of our people the blood would flow again, and that society should hold firmly... I have always looked upon this undertaking as possible, as within the power of the country. But I was of the conviction that strength could only be given to a body in which the sight and the essence of the new condition was already incorporated.

Therefore, I was resolved to build up a small movement, beginning with those people who should already have within themselves that which appeared later as really essential to the whole of society. And this was perhaps not so hard as I thought, inasmuch as I was already on guard against the danger of unworthy place-seekers or selfish persons joining my ranks. For whoever joined this movement in those years from 1919-23 had to be a boundless idealist. Any other kind of man would only say: "He is an utter fool.

The man is mad. And I can say that of all my followers, all of them who at that time and later supported me: they had nothing to win, and everything to lose. And how much have they all lost for my sake.

Речь 24. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры.

Речь 10. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Я создал … совершенно новое движение. Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. Лишь в этом случае государство способно полноценно выполнять свои социальные обязательства.

Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. Речь 07. Речь 05. В структурах, которым принадлежит реальная власть, под «свободой» подразумевается их возможность грабить широкие массы населения, без каких-либо ограничений, и не встречая хоть сколько-нибудь серьезного сопротивления.

Adolf Hitler Speeches

Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Meine Ehre heißt Treue! Верность – моя честь! Как и почему Адольф Гитлер и нацисты пришли к власти в Германии в 1933 3. I have very often in my lifetime been a prophet and have been mostly derided. At the time of my struggle for power it was in the first instance the Jewish people who only greeted with laughter my prophecies that I would someday take over the leadership of the state and of the entire people of.

Гора из "Фауста"

Adolf Hitler Quotes
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Цитаты гитлера на немецком
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg

Адольф Гитлер цитаты и высказывания.

I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed.

Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory.

For Mr. Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us.

Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration. It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching.

As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom. I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters.

On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action. There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that. Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected.

In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments. The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others.

Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr. Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin.

I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering. Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe.

We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain. But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities. And for my my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities.

Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live. The unreasonable division of the world into nations that have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases. For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is to take the place of this power for the purpose or regulating relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural vital claims and decide accordingly. It is the task of the League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course for the future. But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other.

The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent to which it realize that the necessary reforms which concern international relations must be carefully considered and put into practice. The German people once built up a colonial Empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did so without any war. That colonial Empire was taken away from us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act are not tenable. First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other Power?

And when were these natives ever asked if they had been contented with the Power that formerly ruled them? Second: It is stated that the colonies were not administered properly by the Germans. Now, Germany had these colonies only for a few decades. Great sacrifices were made in building them up and they were in a process of development which would have led to quite different results than in 1914. But anyhow the colonies had been so developed by us that other people considered it worth while to engage in a sanguinary struggle for the purpose of taking them from us. Third: It is said that they are of no real value. If that is the case then they can be of no value to other States also.

And so it is difficult to see why they keep them. Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military purposes, but exclusively for economic purposes. It is obvious that in times of general prosperity the value of certain territories may decrease, but it is just as evident that in times of distress such value increases. Today Germany lives in a time of difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports are conceivable only if there be a continued and lasting increase in our exports. Therefore, as a matter of course, our demand for colonies for our densely populated country will be put forward again and again. In concluding my remarks on this subject I should like to note a few points concerning the possible ways which may lead to a general pacification of Europe, which might also be extended outside Europe.

They are the most important conditions for lasting and solid economic and political relations between the peoples. A few weeks ago we saw how an organized band of international war mongers spread a mass of lies which almost succeeded in raising mistrust between two nations and might easily have led to worse consequences than actually followed. I greatly regret that the British Foreign Secretary did not categorically state that there was not one word of truth in those calumnies about Morocco which had been spread by these international war mongers. Thanks to the loyalty of a foreign diplomat and his Government, it was possible to clear up this extraordinary situation immediately. Supposing another case arose in which it turned out impossible to establish the truth so readily, what then would happen? Germany is hoping to have close and friendly relations with Italy. May we succeed in paving the way for such relations with other European countries.

The German Reich will watch over its security and honor with its strong army. On the other hand, convinced that there can be no greater treasure for Europe than peace, it will always be a reasonable supporter of those European ideals of peace and will be always conscious of its responsibilities. This would lead to a decisive lessening of tension between the nations who are forced to live side by side, and whose State frontiers are not identical with the ethnical frontiers. In concluding these remarks I should like to deal with the document which the British Government addressed to the German Government on the occasion of the occupation of the Rhineland. I should like first to state that we believe and are convinced that the British Government at that time did everything to avoid an increase of tension in the European crisis, and that the document in question owes its origin entirely to the desire to make a contribution towards disentangling the situation of those days. Nevertheless, it was not possible for the German Government, for reasons which the Government of Great Britain will appreciate, to reply to those questions. We preferred to settle some of those questions in the most natural way by the practical building up of our relations with our neighbors.

I believe that this statement will be understood by all. Moreover, with all my heart I hope that the intelligence and goodwill of responsible European Governments will succeed, despite all opposition, in preserving peace for Europe. Peace is our dearest treasure. Whatever contributions Germany can make towards preserving it, these she will make. Before concluding my address today I should like to give a short sketch of the tasks that lie ahead of us. In the carrying out of the Four Years Plan lies our first task. It will call for gigantic efforts but eventually it will turn out a great blessing for our people.

Its purpose is to strengthen our national economic system in all its branches. The execution of it is guaranteed. All those great works which have been started apart from this plan will be continued. Their purpose is to promote the health of the nation and make life more pleasant. Building extensions will be systematically carried out in some of our large cities, as an externalization of the spirit that actuates this great plan. And that order will be based on such spacious plans as will be worthy of the National Socialist Movement and also of the German metropolis. We have allotted a period of twenty years for the carrying out of this plan.

May the Almighty God grant us a time of peace in which to bring this gigantic work to completion. But this work will only be the counterpart of a general cultural development which we wish to see taking place in Germany, as the crowning achievement to the restoration of our internal and external freedom. And, finally, it will be one of our future tasks to give the German people a Constitution which will be in harmony with the real life of our people, as that life has developed politically. This Constitution will place its seal on this life for all time to come and will be an imperishable and fundamental law for all Germans. As I look back on the great work that has been done during the past four years you will understand quite well that my first feeling is simply one of thankfulness to our Almighty God for having allowed me to bring this work to success. He has blessed our lab ours and has enabled our people to come through all the obstacles which encompassed them on their way. I have had three extraordinary friends in my life.

In my youth it was Poverty, which was my companion for many years. When the Great War came to a close it was the profound anguish that I felt over the downfall of our people.

Германские фразы Гитлера. Геббельс о русских высказывание. Геббельс цитаты. Геббельс цитаты о пропаганде.

Геббельс о Гитлере цитаты. Высказывания о любви Адольфа Гитлера. Смешные фразы Гитлера. Цитаты Гитлера и Путина. Путин о Гитлере цитаты. Цитаты Гитлера Мем.

Гиммлер цитаты. Генрих Гиммлер цитаты. Адольф Гитлер 1920 1080. Гитлер о социализме. Гитлер о марксизме. Национал социализм Гитлер.

Гитлер о коммунизме. Высказывание Геббельса о бандеровцах. Высказывание Геббельса об украинцах. Высказывания Гитлера о украинцах. Геббельс о русских и украинцах. Гитлер с русскими.

Гитлер в Москве. Гитлер был хорошим. Гитлер был русским. Евреи богоизбранный народ. Высшая раса. Гитлер и Моисей.

Богоизбранный народ славяне. Высказывания фашистов. Изречения Гитлера о евреях. Афоризмы Гитлера. Гитлер мы тогда победим Россию. Гитлер украинец.

Гитлер о белоруссах и украинцах. Россия победила. Мудрые цитаты Гитлера. Гитлер Великий человек. Самые известные высказывания Гитлера. Цитаты про фашизм.

Чубайс Гитлер.

National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity.

For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration.

It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching.

For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom. I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action.

There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that.

Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected. In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments.

The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe.

In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr. Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter.

I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin.

Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain.

But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities.

The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities. And for my my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live.

The unreasonable division of the world into nations that have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases. For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is to take the place of this power for the purpose or regulating relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural vital claims and decide accordingly. It is the task of the League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course for the future.

But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other. The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent to which it realize that the necessary reforms which concern international relations must be carefully considered and put into practice. The German people once built up a colonial Empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did so without any war.

That colonial Empire was taken away from us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act are not tenable. First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other Power?

But anyhow the colonies had been so developed by us that other people considered it worth while to engage in a sanguinary struggle for the purpose of taking them from us. Third: It is said that they are of no real value. If that is the case then they can be of no value to other States also. And so it is difficult to see why they keep them.

Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military purposes, but exclusively for economic purposes. It is obvious that in times of general prosperity the value of certain territories may decrease, but it is just as evident that in times of distress such value increases. Today Germany lives in a time of difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports are conceivable only if there be a continued and lasting increase in our exports.

Therefore, as a matter of course, our demand for colonies for our densely populated country will be put forward again and again. In concluding my remarks on this subject I should like to note a few points concerning the possible ways which may lead to a general pacification of Europe, which might also be extended outside Europe. They are the most important conditions for lasting and solid economic and political relations between the peoples. A few weeks ago we saw how an organized band of international war mongers spread a mass of lies which almost succeeded in raising mistrust between two nations and might easily have led to worse consequences than actually followed.

I greatly regret that the British Foreign Secretary did not categorically state that there was not one word of truth in those calumnies about Morocco which had been spread by these international war mongers. Thanks to the loyalty of a foreign diplomat and his Government, it was possible to clear up this extraordinary situation immediately. Supposing another case arose in which it turned out impossible to establish the truth so readily, what then would happen? Germany is hoping to have close and friendly relations with Italy.

May we succeed in paving the way for such relations with other European countries. The German Reich will watch over its security and honor with its strong army. On the other hand, convinced that there can be no greater treasure for Europe than peace, it will always be a reasonable supporter of those European ideals of peace and will be always conscious of its responsibilities. This would lead to a decisive lessening of tension between the nations who are forced to live side by side, and whose State frontiers are not identical with the ethnical frontiers.

In concluding these remarks I should like to deal with the document which the British Government addressed to the German Government on the occasion of the occupation of the Rhineland. I should like first to state that we believe and are convinced that the British Government at that time did everything to avoid an increase of tension in the European crisis, and that the document in question owes its origin entirely to the desire to make a contribution towards disentangling the situation of those days. Nevertheless, it was not possible for the German Government, for reasons which the Government of Great Britain will appreciate, to reply to those questions. We preferred to settle some of those questions in the most natural way by the practical building up of our relations with our neighbors.

Before concluding my address today I should like to give a short sketch of the tasks that lie ahead of us. In the carrying out of the Four Years Plan lies our first task. It will call for gigantic efforts but eventually it will turn out a great blessing for our people. Its purpose is to strengthen our national economic system in all its branches.

The execution of it is guaranteed. All those great works which have been started apart from this plan will be continued. Their purpose is to promote the health of the nation and make life more pleasant. Building extensions will be systematically carried out in some of our large cities, as an externalization of the spirit that actuates this great plan.

And that order will be based on such spacious plans as will be worthy of the National Socialist Movement and also of the German metropolis. We have allotted a period of twenty years for the carrying out of this plan. May the Almighty God grant us a time of peace in which to bring this gigantic work to completion. But this work will only be the counterpart of a general cultural development which we wish to see taking place in Germany, as the crowning achievement to the restoration of our internal and external freedom.

And, finally, it will be one of our future tasks to give the German people a Constitution which will be in harmony with the real life of our people, as that life has developed politically. This Constitution will place its seal on this life for all time to come and will be an imperishable and fundamental law for all Germans. As I look back on the great work that has been done during the past four years you will understand quite well that my first feeling is simply one of thankfulness to our Almighty God for having allowed me to bring this work to success. He has blessed our lab ours and has enabled our people to come through all the obstacles which encompassed them on their way.

I have had three extraordinary friends in my life. In my youth it was Poverty, which was my companion for many years. When the Great War came to a close it was the profound anguish that I felt over the downfall of our people. This anguish seized me and determined the path I had to follow.

Since January 30th. From that time this anxiety has never left my side and will probably remain a faithful companion until the end of my days. But how could a man bear the burden of this anxiety were it not for the faith he has in his mission and which enables him to trust that He who is above us all sanctions my work. Destiny has often decreed that men who have a special mission to fulfil must be lonely and deserted.

But here I wish to return thanks to Providence for having given me a group of faithful comrades who linked their lives with mine and have ever since fought at my side for the resurrection of our people. It is a great happiness for me that I did not have to walk among the German people as a man alone, but that at my side there was always a group of men whose names will endure in the history of Germany. At this point I wish to thank my old fighting comrades who have stood by my side throughout all these years and who give me their help today either as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter, Gauleiter, or in other positions under the Party or the State. During these days a tragedy is being enacted in Moscow which shows how highly we ought to value that loyalty which binds the leaders of a nation to one another.

I further wish to express my sincere gratitude to all those who did not belong to the ranks of the Party but who in these recent years have been loyal assistants and comrades in governmental work and in other work for the nation. All of them belong to us, even though they may not wear the external insignia of our party community. I thank all those men and women who have assisted in building up our party organizations and working in them with success. But above all I have to thank the chiefs of our armed forces.

They have enabled us to provide the National Socialist State with a National Socialist defence force, without placing any difficulties whatsoever in the way. Thus the Party and the defence forces are now the guarantors sworn to devote themselves to the preservation of our national existence. But we know that all our efforts would have been in vain if we did not have the loyal cooperation of hundreds of thousands of political leaders, innumerable officials and countless soldiers and officers, who did their work under the inspiration of the ideal of our national resurgence. And above all we must acknowledge that our success could not have been attained if we were not backed up by the united front of the whole people.

On this historic occasion I must once again thank all those millions of unknown Germans, from every class and caste, profession and trade and from all the farmsteads, who have given their hearts, their lives and their sacrifices, for the new Reich.

We are fighting the Center for national political reasons, not because it wants to be a Catholic party. We reserve the right not to degrade Christianity to political service. Es ist die Staatsfarbe des kommenden neuen Geschlechts.

Wir sehen heute vor uns den Erbteil der Menschen, sehen ihn alles antasten. Wir verwahren uns, das Christentum zu politischen Diensten zu degradieren. The end of the speech was signed by Max Vogl, who appeared to have recorded the remarks that evening. In sum, yes, in 1928, Hitler told a crowd to not tolerate anyone who offended or attacked Christianity and also said that his movement was Christian.

It was one of many speeches he gave that year. Google Translate. Invenio on Bundesarchiv Berlin-Zehlendorf. Library : Nazi Persecution of the Church.

Sharkey, Joe. Steigmann-Gall, Richard. Illustrated edition, Cambridge University Press, 2004. Jordan Liles is a Senior Reporter who has been with Snopes since 2016.

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