Новости цитаты гитлера на немецком

Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура.

Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера

Цитаты Гитлера на немецком - Миллион Цитат	Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern.
Адольф Гитлер цитаты (347 цитат) | Цитаты известных личностей	Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. Высказывания о любви Адольфа Гитлера.
Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом	Полный текст заявления главаря нацистской Германии Адольфа Гитлера о необходимости уничтожения славян впервые опубликован в России, сообщили РИА Новости в Российском военно-историческом обществе (РВИО).
Did Adolf Hitler Say 'Our Movement Is Christian'?	Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern.

Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад

Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. Речь Гитлера на немецком текст. Кстати, цитата на немецком не бьется в отрыве от этой фотографии. Die große Zeit ist jetzt angebrochen. Deutschland ist nun erwacht. Die Macht haben wir nun in Deutschland gewonnen, nun gilt es das deutsche Volk zu gewinnen. Ich weiß, obwohl die hundert tausenden von euch die ihr jetzt zuhört in ganz Deutschland das in hundertausenden von euch in. Reichstag Speech, May 21, 1935. "We recognize, with the understanding and the heartfelt friendship of true Nationalists, the Polish State as the home of a great, nationally-conscious people." "The German Reich and, in particular, the present German Government, have no other wish than to live on friendly.

Did Adolf Hitler Say 'Our Movement Is Christian'?

Ich sende meinen Dank an Adolf Hitler und an das deutsche Volk. Millionen Deutsche haben damals einen Kampf aufgenommen, der damals noch nicht zu gewinnen war. Sie haben Breschen geschlagen. Die wurden seither vertuscht und verwischt…und treten in dieser unserer neuen Zeit zutage. Россия передала гласности речь Адольфа Гитлера, с переводом на русский язык. Может быть это печально, но это факт. Да по всему миру это имеет место.

Германия показательный пример.

In this connection it is worthy of remark that when the average political party wins a parliamentary victory no essential change takes place in the historical course which the people are following or in the outer aspect of public life; whereas a genuine revolution that arises from a profound ideological insight will always lead to a transformation which is strikingly impressive and is manifest to the outside world. Surely nobody will doubt the fact that during the last four years a revolution of the most momentous character has passed like a storm over Germany.

Who could compare this new Germany with that which existed on the 30th. I am speaking of a National Socialist Revolution; but this revolutionary process in Germany had a particular character of its own, which may have been the reason why the outside world and so many of our fellow-countrymen failed to understand the profound nature of the transformation that took place. I do not deny that this peculiar feature, which has been for us the most outstanding characteristic of the lines along which the National Socialist Revolution took place—a feature which we can be specially proud of—has hindered rather than helped to make this unique historic event understood abroad and among some of our own people.

For the National Socialist Revolution was in itself a revolution in the revolutionary tradition. What I mean is this: Throughout thousands of years the conviction grew up and prevailed, not so much in the German mind as in the minds of the contemporary world, that bloodshed and the extermination of those hitherto in power—together with the destruction of public and private institutions and property—were essential characteristics of every true revolution. Mankind in general has grown accustomed to accept revolutions with all these consequences somehow or other as if they were legal happenings.

I do not mean that people endorse all this tumultuous destruction of life and property; but they certainly accept it as the necessary accompaniment of events which, because of this very reason, are called revolutions. Herein lies the difference between the National Socialist Revolution and other revolutions, with the exception of the Fascist Revolution in Italy. The National Socialist Revolution was almost entirely a bloodless proceeding.

When the party took over power in Germany, after overthrowing the very formidable obstacles that had stood in its way, it did so without causing any damage whatsoever to property. I can say with a certain amount of pride that this was the first revolution in which not even a window-pane was broken. If this revolution was bloodless that was not because we were not manly enough to look at blood.

I was a soldier for more than four years in a war where more blood was shed than ever before throughout human history. I never lost my nerve, no matter what the situation was and no matter what sights I had to face. The same holds good for my party colleagues.

But we did not consider it as part of the program of the National Socialist Revolution to destroy human life or material goods, but rather to build up a new and better life. And it is the greatest source of pride to us that we have been able to carry through this revolution, which is certainly the greatest revolution ever experienced in the history of our people, with a minimum of loss and sacrifice. Only in those cases where the murderous lust of the Bolsheviks, even after the 30th of January, 1933, led them to think that by the use of brute force they could prevent the success and realization of the National Socialist ideal—only then did we answer violence with violence, and naturally we did it promptly.

Certain other individuals of a naturally undisciplined temperament, and who had no political consciousness whatsoever, had to be taken into protective custody; but, generally speaking, these individuals were given their freedom after a short period. Beyond this there was a small number who took part in politics only for the purpose of establishing an alibi for their criminal activities, which were proved by the numerous sentences to prison and penal servitude that had been passed upon them previously. We prevented such individuals from pursuing their destructive careers, inasmuch as we set them to do some useful work, probably for the first time in their lives.

I do not know if there ever has been a resolution which was of such a profound character as the National Socialist Revolution and which at the same time allowed innumerable persons who had been prominent in political circles under the former regime to follow their respective callings in private life peacefully and without causing them any worry. Not only that, but even many among our bitterest enemies, some of whom had occupied the highest positions in the government, were allowed to enjoy their regular emoluments and pensions. That is what we did.

But this policy did not always help our reputation abroad. If the revolution in Germany had taken place according to the democratic model in Spain these strange apostles of non-intervention abroad would probably find that there was nothing which they need to worry about. People closely acquainted with the state of affairs in Spain have assured us that if we place the number of persons who have been slaughtered in this bestial way at 170.

Measured by the achievements of the noble democratic revolutionaries in Spain, the quota of human beings allotted for slaughter to the National Socialist Revolution would have been about 400. That we did not carry out this mass-slaughter is apparently looked on as a piece of negligence on our part. We see that the democratic world-citizens are by no means gracious in their criticism of this leniency.

We certainly had the power in our hands to do what has been done in Spain. And probably we had better nerves than the murderer who steals upon his victim unawares, shunning the open fight, and who is capable only of murdering defenseless [sic] hostages. We have been soldiers and we never flinched in the face of battle throughout that most gruesome war of all times.

Our hearts and, I may also add, our sound common sense saved us from committing any acts like those which have been done in Spain. Taking it all in all, fewer lives were sacrificed in the National Socialist Revolution than the number of National Socialist followers who were murdered in Germany by our Bolshevik opponents in the year 1932 alone, when there was no revolution. This absence of bloodshed and destruction was made possible solely because we had adopted a principle which not only guided our conduct in the past but which we shall also never forget in the future.

This principle was that the purpose of a revolution, or of any general change in the condition of public affairs, cannot be to produce chaos but only to replace what is bad by substituting something better. In such cases, however, something better must be ready at hand. On the 30th.

All the means employed in carrying on that struggle were strictly within the law as it then stood and the protagonists in the fight were the National Socialists. Before the new State could be actually established and promulgated, the idea of it and the model for its organization had already existed within the framework of our party. All the fundamental principles on which the new Reich was to be constructed were the principles and ideas already embodied in the National Socialist Party.

As a result of the constitutional struggle to win over our German fellow-countrymen to our side the party had established its predominance in the Reichstag and for a whole year before it actually assumed power it already had the right to demand this power for itself, even according to the principles of the parliamentary-democratic system. But it was essential for the National Socialist Revolution that this party should put forward demands which of themselves would involve a real revolutionary change in the principles and institutions of government hitherto in force. When certain individuals who were blind to the actual state of affairs thought that they could refuse to submit to the practical application of the principles of the movement which had been entrusted with the government of the Reich, then, but not until then, the party used an iron hand to make these illegal disturbers of the peace bend their stubborn necks before the laws of the new National Socialist Reich and Government.

With this act the National Socialist Revolution came to an end. For as soon as the party had taken over power, and this new condition of affairs was consolidated, I looked upon it as a matter of course that the Revolution should be transformed into an evolution. The new development which now set in, however, meant that there had to be a new orientation not merely of our ideas but also in regard to the practical policy which we had to carry out.

Even today certain individuals who have fallen in the march of events refuse to adapt themselves to this change. They cannot understand it because it is beyond their mental horizon or outside the sphere of their egotistic interests. Our National Socialist teaching has undoubtedly a revolutionizing effect in many spheres of life and has interfered and acted under the revolutionary impulse.

The main plank in the National Socialist program is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood. A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous consequences. This is probably the first time and this is the first country in which people are being taught to realize that, of all the tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity of the blood which God has given it.

And thus it happens that for the first time it is now possible for men to use their God-given faculties of perception and insight in the understanding of those problems which are of more momentous importance for the preservation of human existence than all the victories that may be won on the battlefield or the successes that may be obtained through economic efforts. It is not for men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard its work of creation. Unspeakable suffering and misery have come upon mankind because they lost this instinct which was grounded in a profound intuition; and this loss was caused by a wrong and lopsided education of the intellect.

Among our people there are millions and millions of persons living today for whom this law has become clear and intelligible. What individual seers and the still unspoiled natures of our forefathers saw by direct perception has now become a subject of scientific research in Germany. And I can prophesy here that, just as the knowledge that the earth moves around the sun led to a revolutionary alternation in the general world-picture, so the blood-and-race doctrine of the National Socialist Movement will bring about a revolutionary change in our knowledge and therewith a radical reconstruction of the picture which human history gives us of the past and will also change the course of that history in the future.

And this will not lead to an estrangement between the nations; but, on the contrary, it will bring about for the first time a real understanding of one another. At the same time, however, it will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under the mask of honest world-citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations. We feel convinced that the consequences of this really revolutionizing vision of truth will bring about a radical transformation in German life.

For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling attraction of this inner feeling. Innumerable prejudices have been broken down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical, religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle.

For the past four-and-a-half years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea. Just as on January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated and promulgated by the party. When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest moments to be remembered during our lives.

Like a blast of springtime it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new Reich. Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German history were removed and cleared away.

May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never before had? So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships; but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical transformation has taken place and has produced results which are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy has any meaning at all.

With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general. By this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership of the nation. In making this selection no consideration will be given to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions of leadership.

In this country that principle will have its political counterpart. Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid. And that is no theory.

In the present National Socialist Germany it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course. I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have been called to be their leader, come from the people. All the millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks.

And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and not the interests of one class or another.

The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class which will have no rights in the future. Its aim has been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied such rights. We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them to the level of enslaved workers.

Our aim has been to educate slaves to be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German; and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration. If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before them.

From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow and condemned to enforced lab our there.

He will then yearn for hisday of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now thinks that his turn has come to play the despot. Therefore the National Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility by organizing the various classes into one national unit.

The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life. And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any predominant position in our national economic system. In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood, and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making the idea of this community understood among the public, lies the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution.

Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour. That is why the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks, without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost. They were superseded by a better ideal.

A new movement took their place. A reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations of employers and employees. The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, not—as in 1918 or 1919—through a resolution voted by a committee appointed to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend on the results of a prize competition.

Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his national resurgence on land and sea and in the air. There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the German people have understood the significance of this change and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again to the democratic form of government as the institution which is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name of the people than I have.

Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I may enumerate the following: — 1 Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself. Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements. But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect.

This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide. The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down.

But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental.

They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better.

It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice.

There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant.

This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear.

Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state. In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded.

Keine Frau ist ein Genie. Женщины не бывают гениями. Функция женщины - быть украшением. Без труда не вытянешь и рыбку из пруда. Das beste Recht das eine Frau hat ist das Recht auf einen Mann Самое главное право женщин -это право иметь мужа.

Aus der Geschichte lernen wir das wir aus der Geschichte Nichts lernen. У истории мы учимся тому, что у неё ничему нельзя научиться. Guter Geschmack ist besser als ein schlechter Geschmack, aber ein schlechter Geschmack ist besser als gar keiner Хороший вкус лучше, чем плохой, но плохой вкус лучше, чем никакой. Встречают по одёжке, а провожают по уму. Bis wir 10 Jahre alt sind, sind wir alle Genies Мы все - гении до десятилетнего возраста. Mann und Weib sind ein Leib. Муж и жена одна сатана.

Wer es nicht im Kopfe hat, hat es in den Beinen. От дурной головы и ногам покоя нет. Слова нам нужны, чтобы прятать наши мысли. Meine Mutter ist mein Engel. Моямама - мойангел. Пьяныйпроспится, дуракникогда. Рыба ищет, где глубже, а человек где лучше.

Um so mehr du sagst, an um so weniger erinnern sich die Menschen Чем больше Вы говорите, тем меньше люди запоминают. Влюбвирукииглазаговорятобычногромче, чемрот. С кем поведёшься, от того и наберёшься. Sieben sollen nicht harren auf einen Narren. Слово-серебро, молчание-золото. Если тебе говорят, что уже поздно — то ты потерял не время, а значимость. Ein voller Bauch studiert nie gern.

Сытое брюхо к ученью глухо. Я чувствую твое тепло здесь, но, к сожалению ты не со мной. Завтра я буду скучать по тебе не больше, поскольку я смогу поцеловать тебя еще раз. Menschen durch die Liebe. Плоды созревают на солнце. Люди через любовь. Die Furcht hat tausend Augen.

У страха глаза велики. Ты для меня солнце, ты для меня дом родной, ты для меня счастье мира, даже если он тебе не нравиться. Eigene Last ist nicht schwer. Своя ноша не тянет. Das Ende klang wie Grabgesang. Начали за здравие, закончили за упокой. Doch von diesen 1000 Herzen liebt Dich keines so wie ich!

Но эти 1000 сердец любят вас не так как я! Was du heute kannst besorgen, das verschiebe nicht auf morgen. Не откладывай на завтра то, что можно сделать сегодня. Sie kommen oft im Moment, wenn sie notwendig sind. Не стоит бояться перемен. Часто они случаются именно в тот момент, когда они необходимы. Ist der Kopf abgeschlagen, wird niemand nach dem Hute fragen.

Снявши голову, по волосам не плачут Die Dummen werden nicht alle. Sei in sich selbst sicher und gib nicht nach. Будь уверен в себе и никогда не сдавайся. Мир принадлежит тому, кто ему рад. Воспоминания удивительная штука: согревает изнутри и тут же рвёт на части. Der Appetit kommt beim Essen. Ты главное ешь, а аппетит появится.

Только любовь сильнее смерти. Wer fremde Sprache nicht kennt,weiss nichts von seiner eigenen. Тот, кто не знает иностранных языков, не знает ничего и о своём собственном. Все дороги ведут в Рим. Aller Anfang ist schwer. Первый блин комом. Лиха беда начало.

Кто обжегся на молоке теперь на воду дует. Paradies: Der Ort, wo Menschen die Liebe ernster nehmen als sich selbst. Рай: место, где люди принимают любовь более серьезно, чем самих себя Geduld bringt Rosen. Терпение и труд все перетрут. Терпи, казак, атаманом будешь. Was Du lernen willst zu tun, lernst Du, indem Du es tust.

Was there any excrement, any shamelessness in any form, above all in cultural life, in which at least one Jew would not have been involved? As soon as one even carefully cut into such an abscess, one found, like maggots in a decaying body, often blinded by the sudden light, a kike. Hitler wrote in Mein Kampf: Quote regarding "The Big Lie" All this was inspired by the principle--which is quite true in itself--that in the big lie there is always a certain force of credibility; because the broad masses of a nation are always more easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature than consciously or voluntarily, and thus in the primitive simplicity of their minds they are more readily fall victims to the big lie than the small lie, since they themselves often tell small lies in little matters but would be ashamed to resort to large-scale falsehoods. It would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort truth so infamously. Even though the facts which prove this to be so may be brought clearly to their minds, they still doubt and waver and will continue to think that there may be some other explanation. For the grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it has been nailed down, a fact which is known to all expert liars in this world and to all who conspire together in tha art of lying. These people know only too well how to use falsehood for the basest purposes. From time immemorial, however, the Jews have known better than any others how falsehood and calumny can be exploited.

Adolf Hitler - Речи | Текст песни

Кстати, цитата на немецком не бьется в отрыве от этой фотографии. I have very often in my lifetime been a prophet and have been mostly derided. At the time of my struggle for power it was in the first instance the Jewish people who only greeted with laughter my prophecies that I would someday take over the leadership of the state and of the entire people of. Особого внимания заслуживают интересные высказывания всем известного немецкого политика и оратора Гитлера, который высказывался на многие темы, начиная от народа и заканчивая темой любви. Я хотел бы найти все речи Гитлера в оригинале на немецком языке, но чем больше я смотрю, тем меньше нахожу. Конечно, кое-где есть несколько его выступлений, но полного текста его речей на немецком нигде не найти. Вот, что говорил Адольф Гитлер. Цитаты и афоризмы Гитлера были представлены выше. Речь Гитлера на немецком текст.

Известные фразы гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом

Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года: d_34 — LiveJournal	Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. История праздника, Традиции праздника, Тосты и Подарки, Интересные факты.
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg	Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат).
Фразы гитлера на немецком с переводом. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом	Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern.

Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад

Еще через час крестьянин Дэвид Маклин обнаружил на своей ферме Флорс человека, пытающегося освободиться от парашюта. Говорящий оказался немцем, представился как Альфред Хорн и заявил, что у него есть важное сообщение для герцога Дугласа Гамильтона, командира авиакрыла британских ВВС, расположенного под Эдинбургом. Вскоре задержанный оказался под арестом в казармах Мэрихилл в Глазго. Гамильтон прибыл к казармам на следующее утро и согласился поговорить с заключенным наедине. Его удивлению не было предела: немецкий летчик оказался самим Рудольфом Гессом, прибывшим с дипломатической миссией. Заместитель фюрера предлагал заключить мир: немцы и англичане родственные арийские народы, а в войне между ними гибнет лучший человеческий материал. Единственным бенефициаром этого выступают большевики, против которых необходимо объединить усилия. Гесс рассказал о планах войны против СССР и предлагал сделку: полная свобода действий для Германии в Европе в обмен на сохранение Великобританией колоний.

Вдобавок, Лондону были глубоко безразличны теории об арийской расе, Гиперборее и прочие идеи Общества Туле. Нацисты на тот момент воспринимались как абсолютное зло, дикое агрессивное животное, нарушающее любые договоры и стремящееся к мировому господству силовым путем. Германия виделась британцам не потерянным братом по расе, а злобным врагом, который только что попытался склонить их к капитуляции путем ковровых бомбардировок Лондона с целью убить как можно больше мирных жителей. Поэтому Гесса не удостоили аудиенции у руководства Великобритании. Его сочли вражеским военнопленным, вдобавок, психом, — он привез с собой целый мешок с 28 лекарственными препаратами и набором гомеопатических средств, а также регулярно жаловался, что охранники пытаются его отравить.

In Wirklichkeit hat jede dieser Zeitungen einen Herrn. Und dieser Herr ist in jedem Fall der Geldgeber... Sie kennen sie ja, die alten Parteien. Es war immer eines und dasselbe. Es ist aber umgekehrt.

Die breite Masse interessiert sie nicht im geringsten.

Английская пресса сообщала об успехах этого задания, поскольку ее не заставляли молчать тактические причины. Осенью 1939 г. Приступая к военному порабощению не только Финляндии, но также и балтийских государств, Россия вдруг мотивировала эти действия в такой же мере ложным, как и смешным заявлением, что она принуждена защищать эти страны от чужой угрозы, которую она должна предупредить. Под этим могла подразумеваться только Германия. Ибо никакая другая держава не могла ни вторгнуться, ни вести войну в прибалтийских областях. И все же я должен был молчать.

Однако власть имущие в Кремле сейчас же пошли дальше. В то время, как Германия весной 1940 г. Согласно личному заявлению, данному тогда Молотовым, уже весной 1940 г. Так как русское правительство всегда утверждало, что его пригласило само население, цель его присутствия там могла быть истолкована только как демонстрация против Германии. В то время, как наши солдаты, начиная с 10 мая 1940 г. Начиная с августа 1940 г. Однако было достигнуто то, к чему стремилось англосоветское сотрудничество, а именно: ввиду концентрации такого количества германских сил на Востоке, германские власть имущие не сочли возможным предпринять радикальное завершение войны на западе, особенно в отношении воздушной борьбы.

Это соответствовало, однако, целям не только английской, но также и советской политики. Потому что Англия, равно как и Советская Россия, намерены продлить эту войну как можно дольше, с целью ослабить Европу и повергнуть ее в еще большее бессилие. Угрожающее выступление России против Румынии должно было также в конечном итоге послужить лишь тому, чтобы захватить в свои руки или же, по крайней мере, уничтожить важную опору не только германской экономической жизни, но и экономической жизни всей Европы. Однако, именно Германия, начиная с 1933 г. Мы были поэтому в высшей степени заинтересованы в их государственной консолидации и порядке. В немецком оригинале «в непосредственной близости с мощным выдвижением большевистских дивизий» «gewaltigen Kraeftaufmarsh bolschewistischer Divisionen» S, 9. В немецком оригинале «сделать их своими торговыми партнёрами» — «als Handelspartner zu gewinnen» S.

Вторжение России в Румынию и переход Греции на сторону Англии грозили в короткое время превратить также и эти области в общий театр войны. Вопреки нашим принципам и обычаям, уступая настойчивой просьбе тогдашнего румынского правительства, которое было само виновато в таком развитии событий, я дал ему совет уступить настойчивым советским требованиям и отдать Бессарабию в целях сохранения мира. Однако румынское правительство считало возможным обнаружить это перед своим народом лишь в том случае, если Германия и Италия, в виде возмещения, по крайней мере дадут гарантию, что оставшаяся часть румынского государства более не будет затронута. С тяжелым сердцем я сделал это. Прежде всего, уже потому, что если Германия дает гарантию, то это значит, что она отвечает за нее. Мы не англичане и не евреи. Таким образом, я думал в последний момент сохранить мир в этой области, даже несмотря на принятие на себя тяжелых обязательств.

Однако с целью окончательно разрешить эти проблемы и установить ясность в вопросе русского отношения к Германии1, а также под давлением постоянно усиливающейся мобилизации на нашей восточной границе, я пригласил г. Молотова приехать в Берлин. Советский министр иностранных дел потребовал разрешения2 или же согласия Германии по следующим четырем вопросам; 1 Так в документе. В немецком оригинале «русской позиции в отношении Рейха» — «russische Einstellung dem Reiche» S. В немецком оригинале «уяснения» -«Klaerung» S. Мой ответ: Германская гарантия является общей и непременно обязывающей нас. Однако Россия нам никогда не заявляла, что она имеет интересы в Румынии, за исключением Бессарабии.

Уже занятие Северной Буковины явилось нарушением этого заверения. Поэтому я не думал, что Россия теперь вдруг может иметь какие-либо дальнейшие намерения против Румынии. Россия решила долее не терпеть этого. Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии никакого содействия и, прежде всего, сейчас же отозвать германские войска, направляющиеся на смену в Киркенес? Мой ответ: Германия, теперь, как и прежде, не имеет политических интересов в Финляндии. Однако германское правительство не может потерпеть новой войны России против маленького финского народа, тем более, что мы никогда не сможем поверить в угрозу Финляндии для Советской России.

Результатом явилось то, что за короткое время именно руководящий слой общества стал абсолютно чужд своему собственному народу. Во-первых, германец во всех смыслах устроен покрепче, чем еврей. Во-вторых, народ, за спасение которого было заплачено двумя миллионами погибших в Мировой войне, обязательно найдет в себе силы отомстить за каждую жизнь, погубленную врагами внешними, и за каждую смерть, обессмысленную предателями и преступниками в тылу. Приложение к «Программе Адольфа Гитлера»: Изречения Адольфа Гитлера Многие поддались внушению и предпочитают более не замечать, что евреи являются отдельной обособленной расой. Однако, найдется ли еще хоть один народ, который, расселившись по всему миру, продолжал бы оказывать поддержку представителям своей расы с такой же исступленной решимостью, как это делают евреи? Зато чужих культур они уничтожили сотни. Чтобы «стать» немцем, ему пришлось бы отказаться от своей принадлежности к еврейству. Что для него абсолютно невозможно. Внутренне еврей не может органично влиться в немецкую национальную среду по целому ряду причин: 1. Это должно сплотить тех, в ком еще бьется немецкое сердце и жива любовь к своему народу, и поднять их на борьбу против общего заклятого врага всех арийцев. Семья … это самая малая, но и самая ценная составная часть во всей структуре государства. Но рождение и воспитание ребенка приносит женщине еще больше — дает ей право называться высоким именем матери. Наоборот, наша идея направлена только и исключительно на осознание задачи, поставленной перед нами самой жизнью: спасение и сохранение нашего собственного народа средствами, адекватными сложившемуся положению. Интервью 03. Потому что наша нынешняя молодежь имеет равные возможности в жизни, вместе марширует, вместе поет песни нашего Движения и Отечества, и верит в Германию, принадлежащую только ей. Их мы с самого начала будем воспитывать в духе совершенно иных идеалов, и, прежде всего, мы научим их видеть друг в друге товарищей. И здесь ценится количество, а не качество. Всезнайство, которое чаще всего оказывается «липовым», — враг эффективной деятельности. Помимо приобретения твердых практических знаний нам нужно развитие инстинктивного и воспитание воли. Другими словами, должно вырасти поколение целостных людей, способных ясным разумом познавать вечные законы развития, сознательно стремясь пробудить в себе древнее инстинктивное знание. И здесь мы также не ограничились одной лишь теорией. Трудно себе даже представить, в какой основательной чистке нуждалась Германия до того, как мы занялись ею несколько месяцев назад! Однако, очищение — длительный процесс , требующий продолжения. Высокий смысл физической работы заключается в том, что именно в ней с особой ясностью проявляются такие качества, как трудолюбие и ответственность. Интервью 18. Речь 08. Приложение к «Речам Адольфа Гитлера»: Изречения Адольфа Гитлера В тот день, когда обе идеи национализм и социализм сольются в одну, они станут непобедимы. Ни те, ни другие не могут существовать друг без друга. Они — единое целое, из которого и должен выкристаллизоваться новый человек — человек грядущего Германского Рейха. Лишь в этом случае государство способно полноценно выполнять свои социальные обязательства. Капитал — не хозяин государства, а его слуга. Музыку же в этом заведении заказывают … исключительно евреи. И если возродится немецкий народ, будет восстановлено и все остальное. Кровь и раса вновь станут источником художественного вдохновения. И борьба эта была ни чем иным, как бунтом одной пришлой национальной группы, прочно обосновавшейся внутри нашего народа, но так и не научившейся уважать ни гостеприимных хозяев, ни их культуру. Нездоровая расовая психология данной группы населения изначально предопределила постоянный конфликт некоторых ее представителей с окружающей их иной национальной средой, без малейшей попытки взаимопонимания и преодоления своей культурной инородности. К сожалению, именно такие, не вполне адекватные, представители еврейской интеллектуальной элиты и занялись немецкой культурой, пытаясь переделать ее под себя. Древние греки и римляне оказались вдруг так близки германцам потому, что все три народа своими этническими корнями уходят в общую расовую основу. Так, благодаря расовому родству, бессмертные свершения древних народов вновь и вновь оказывают свое благотворное влияние на дела их потомков. Правительству не мешало бы позаботиться о том, чтобы его народ не подвергался регулярному и целенаправленному отравлению. Требовать этого — естественное право народа, базирующееся на его сознании, на традиционном представлении о плохом и хорошем. То, что вредит народу, должно быть устранено. Тому, кто отрекается от нации, внутри которой он живет, нет в ней места. Мы обязаны требовать, чтобы пресса стала инструментом национального самовоспитания. И те представители народа, которым свойственны эти качества, обязательно заявят о себе. Именно они делают историю. Когда на карту поставлено само выживание народа, тогда уже не годятся ни народные представительства, ни парламенты, ни местные самоуправления. Тогда могут спасти лишь сильные личности. Я говорю от имени всего немецкого народа, когда заявляю, что все мы преисполнены искреннего желания искоренить былую вражду, приведшую к жертвам, несоизмеримыми ни с какими возможными победами или приобретениями. Он был построен не на завоевании, не за счет чужих народов. Его процветание явилось результатом постоянного труда, несказанного усердия и неисчислимых забот наших собственных людей. И все же внутренне мы были бедны, раздроблены и разобщены. Народ, который больше не знал, как должно распоряжаться своим богатством. Это не делает Англию принципиальным врагом Германии, однако и не позволяет упускать ее из вида, как весьма настойчивого претендента на главенствующую роль в Европе. Ради этого двадцать шесть народов мира были хладнокровно натравлены друг на друга той самой прессой, которая практически вся находится в собственности только у одного всемирного народца евреев , только у одной расы — смертельного врага любого национального государства! Ни кайзер, ни правительство, ни народ этой войны не хотели! Вновь и вновь нас настигают рецидивы упадка. Причины всегда одни и те же. Немец, поддавшийся внутренней слабости, утративший душевное равновесие, с распыленной волей и уже неспособный на поступок, становится бессилен бороться за свою собственную жизнь. Вот тут-то, как раз, и начинаются всякого рода абстрактные мечтания о правах, вместо практического их отстаивания. А тем временем, пока он витает в облаках, на земле у него выбивают почву из-под ног, и отбирают вполне конкретную собственность. Поэтому сегодня им не стоит жаловаться на нас. Заслуженного ими сполна возмездия пока еще не последовало. Мстить поверженному врагу — не в наших традициях. Но если бы мы действительно захотели им отомстить — нам следовало бы ликвидировать их десятками тысяч! Как раз наоборот, он относится к той категории политических документов, в которых победители диктуют побежденным размеры и сроки выплаты грабительской дани. А такие « мирные договора » всегда несут в себе зародыш будущих войн. Открытое письмо от 14. Этот договор нужен для того, чтобы отправить на тот свет еще двадцать миллионов немцев и окончательно погубить немецкую нацию. Напротив, такой договор должен быть направлен на скорейшее рубцевание и исцеление этих ран. Этот мирный договор ежегодно уносил жизни двадцати тысяч немцев. Этих людей просто лишали всех средств к существованию, не оставляя им ни малейшего шанса выжить, - и все ради того, чтобы, не дай Бог, не задержать выплату очередной порции дани победителям. Зато у многих миллионов людей этот фарс неизбежно должен был вызвать чувство ненависти к такому мировому порядку, при котором возможна постоянная диффамация и дискриминация великого народа только за то, что однажды его постигло несчастье проиграть, после героического сопротивления, навязанную ему войну. На трон же низвергнутых королей и царей шустро вскарабкался галицийский еврей. Невозможно совершить революцию, с действительно далеко идущими последствиями, если сам народ внутренне к ней не стремится. И когда я сравниваю то, что происходит у нас в Германии, с теми ужасами, которые творились, например, во времена Французской революции 1789 года , я с полным правом могу сказать: мы-то, уж во всяком случае, не изобретали и не расставляли по всей стране гильотин, и не устраивали в Германии никаких Вандей! Мы ограничились тем, что изолировали от основной, здоровой, части нации лишь самые недостойные ее элементы. Мы были вынуждены сделать это, поскольку ни одна из тех стран, что регулярно выражают свою горячую обеспокоенность судьбой этих деятелей в нехорошей Германии, почему-то до сих пор так и не удосужилась пригласить их на жительство к себе. Будем по-прежнему рады предоставить их всех в чье угодно распоряжение. И не только у нас. Она идет повсюду, куда ни бросишь взгляд: и в подавленной России, и в Италии, и во Франции, и в Англии, и во множестве других стран. Это — неумолимая борьба между ясными идеалами национальных, народно-патриотических убеждений и боящимися солнечного света идейками надгосударственного интернационала.

Адольф Гитлер цитаты и высказывания.

Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал, как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге. Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). (русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr. Цитаты гитлера на немецком | Анекдоты, цитаты, статусы, загадки, стихи, фразы.

Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg

Совесть придумали евреи. Alle kreativen Ideen einer Person erscheinen im Allgemeinen bereits in seiner Jugend. Das Volk und das Vaterland sind das einzige. Bolschewismus, das uneheliche Kind des Christentums. Seien Sie vorsichtig mit Menschen, sie sind unberechenbar. Die Grenzen aller Staaten sind nur das Ergebnis eines politischen Kampfes. Антон Усов.

Хорошо смеется тот, кто смеется последний. Довольному сердцу везде светит солнце. Только мамина любовь длится вечно. Nur die Liebe der Mutter ist ewig. Спаси и сохрани. Rette und bewahre. Спасибо родителям за жизнь. Счастливая по жизни. Спасибо маме и папе за жизнь. Интуиция - это жизнь! Intuition ist das Leben! Моя мама - мой ангел. Мечтай так, словно ты будешь жить вечно. Живи так, словно умрешь сегодня. Lebe so, als ob du heute stirbst. Моей любви достойна только мать. Nur Meine Mutter ist meiner Liebe wert. Любовь доступна всем, только не мне. Никто, кроме тебя. Niemand als du. Все к лучшему! Alles, was passiert, ist zu Gutem! Иду к своей мечте. Ich gehe zu meinem Traum. Я не как все, я лучший. Ich bin nicht, wie alle, ich bin der Beste. Не будь горд с теми, с кем душа хочет сходить с ума. Жить и любить. Leben und lieben. Удача со мной. Учитесь наслаждаться жизнью… Страдать, она научит сама. Да поможет мне Бог! Hilf mir Gott! Сильная, но нежная. Stark, aber zart. Любовь победит всё. Liebe besiegt alles. Хочу надолго и по-настоящему. Доверяй только себе. Vertraue nur an sich selbst. Прощать не сложно, сложно заново поверить. Verzeihen ist nicht schwierig, schwierig ist es aufs Neue zu glauben. Надейся на лучшее. Hoffe dich auf das Beste. Будь готова к худшему. Sei auf das Schlimmste fertig. Жизнь - игра. Das Leben ist ein Spiel. Делаем вид, что все хорошо, а внутри страшная боль. Wir tun, es sei alles gut, drinnen ist aber ein schrecklicher Schmerz. Мы ничего не можем предугадать. Дай мне силы. Удача всегда со мной. Поступки сильнее слов. Мама и Папа, я люблю вас. Mutter und Vater, ich liebe euch. Боже сохрани меня! Bewahre mich Got! Только потеряв - мы начинаем ценить. Одна любовь, одна судьба! Eine Liebe, ein Schicksal! Как жаль, что некоторые моменты никогда больше не повторятся. Wie schade, dass einige Momente des Lebens sich nie mehr wiederholen. Чем сильнее что-то любишь, тем сложнее это терять. Иногда не хватает лишь капельки смелости, которая может изменить всю жизнь. Каждый человек имеет право на ошибку. Но не всякая ошибка имеет право на прощение.

В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в смысле и ценности жизни, он болен. Зигмунд Фрейд Wir streben mehr danach, Schmerz zu vermeiden als Freude zu gewinnen. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны. Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Иммануил Кант Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen. Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум. Нужно думать, как единицы, и говорить, как большинство. Постоянны только изменения. Die Freunde nennen sich aufrichtig. Die Feinde sind es. Друзьями себя называют. Врагами — являются. Прощать и забывать, значит выбрасывать ценный опыт в окно. Артур Шопенгауэр Wir denken selten an das, was wir haben, aber immer an das, was uns fehlt. Мы редко думаем о том, что имеем, но всегда о том, чего нам не хватает. Все наши беды от того, что мы не можем быть одиноки. Границы языка — это границы мира. О том, о чем нельзя говорить, нужно молчать. Редко, когда человек знает, во что же он на самом деле верит. Нельзя оскорбить того, кто не хочет быть оскорбленным. Два величайших тирана в мире: Случай и Время. Иоганн Готфрид Гердер Denn nur die freie Neigung ist Liebe, nur wer sich selber hat, kann sich selber geben. Любовь может быть только добровольной, так как только тот, кто располагает собой, может отдавать себя. Франц Ксавер фон Баадер Для качественного перевода текстов широкой тематики рекомендую обращаться в компанию «Е-Перевод» Я полагаю, что ни одна другая революция в мировой истории не была запланирована и осуществлена с большей предусмотрительностью и благоразумием, чем наша. Речь 20. Революция — это не перманентное состояние; революция — не самоцель. Вырвавшийся на свободу революционный поток должен быть направлен в надежное русло эволюции. Речь 06. Но кардинально изменить само положение вещей может только эволюция! Народ, почитающий бесчестность естественной основой политической деятельности, становится политически беззащитным, чтобы затем быть порабощенным и экономически. Речь 18. Речь 07. Речь 22. Мы верим в то, что своей борьбой мы лишь исполняем волю Создателя, наделившего каждое живое существо инстинктом самосохранения. Да будет жить наш народ! Прокламация 01. Важно только одно — чтобы был наш народ! Речь 28. Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы сделаем самое благое дело в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не всегда справедливы! Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы устраним величайшую несправедливость в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не достаточно нравственны! Но, если наш народ будет спасен, мы возродим истинную нравственность! Речь 19. Речь 01. Я всегда добросовестно старался преобразовать авторитет власти в силу доверия. И теперь я с гордостью могу признать, что подобно тому, как наша национальная социалистическая партия всегда была укоренена в нашем народе, так и теперь мы, уже в качестве правительства, всегда думаем как народ, вместе с народом и о народе! Речь 30. Речь 26. В первую очередь мы думаем о благе нашего народа. Речь 02. И в будущем мы будем жить так, чтобы в глазах каждого немца мы по-прежнему оставались порядочными и честными людьми. Наша власть — только та, которую мы нашли и укрепили в сердцах нашего народа. Речь 13. Речь 04. Призыв на выборы 31. Если ты бросаешь на произвол судьбы одно, тебе придется отказаться и от другого. Такой народ превращается в игрушку для чужеродных сил. Речь 27. Ты силен, когда ты един. Чтобы быть сильным, тебе нужно победить в своем сердце дух классовой вражды и раздора. Как только мы заканчиваем разработку какого-либо закона, я выношу его проект на рассмотрение этих людей и спрашиваю их: «Пожалуйста, что здесь неправильно? При этом они знают, что мне не нужны советчики, умеющие только «поддакивать». Наоборот, мне требуется от них аргументированная критика тех недостатков наших мероприятий, которые способны затруднить их проведение в жизнь. Уж если наш народ в чем и нуждается, то только не в парламентских вождях. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05. Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Это государство переживает сейчас пору своей юности. По прошествии столетий оно достигнет зрелости, и можете быть уверены - ему суждено прожить не одну тысячу лет! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17.

Перевод — более опасный враг правды, чем ложь. Меня потрясло не то, что ты меня обманываешь, а то, что я тебе больше не верю. Тот, у кого нет двух третей времени на себя, — раб. Тот, у кого есть «Зачем» жить, вынесет любое «Как». То, что делается из любви, всегда находится по ту сторону добра и зла. Фридрих Ницше Dem wird befohlen, der sich nicht selber gehorchen kann. Приказывают тому, кто сам себе не умеет повиноваться. Надежда — это радуга над падающим вниз ручейком жизни. Фридрих Ницше Weltkind немец. Без музыки жизнь была бы глупостью. Иметь фантазию — не значит что-то выдумывать; это значит, делать что-то новое из вещей. Религия — это благоговение — в первую очередь перед тайной, которую представляет собой человек. Пауль Томас Манн Wenn man jemandem alles verziehen hat, ist man mit ihm fertig. Если ты простил человеку все, значит с ним покончено. В тот момент, когда человек сомневается в смысле и ценности жизни, он болен. Зигмунд Фрейд Wir streben mehr danach, Schmerz zu vermeiden als Freude zu gewinnen. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны. Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Иммануил Кант Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen. Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум.

Цитаты гитлера на немецком

Auch dieses Angebot kann nicht weggeleugnet werden. Aus dem Opfer unserer Soldaten und aus meiner eigenen Verbundenheit mit ihnen bis in den Tod, wird in der deutschen Geschichte so oder so einmal wieder der Samen aufgehen zur strahlenden Wiedergeburt der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung und damit zur Verwirklichung einer wahren Volksgemeinschaft. Ich habe sie gebeten und ihnen endlich befohlen, dies nicht zu tun, sondern am weiteren Kampf der Nation teilzunehmen. Goebbels usw.

That we did not carry out this mass-slaughter is apparently looked on as a piece of negligence on our part. We see that the democratic world-citizens are by no means gracious in their criticism of this leniency. We certainly had the power in our hands to do what has been done in Spain. And probably we had better nerves than the murderer who steals upon his victim unawares, shunning the open fight, and who is capable only of murdering defenseless [sic] hostages.

We have been soldiers and we never flinched in the face of battle throughout that most gruesome war of all times. Our hearts and, I may also add, our sound common sense saved us from committing any acts like those which have been done in Spain. Taking it all in all, fewer lives were sacrificed in the National Socialist Revolution than the number of National Socialist followers who were murdered in Germany by our Bolshevik opponents in the year 1932 alone, when there was no revolution. This absence of bloodshed and destruction was made possible solely because we had adopted a principle which not only guided our conduct in the past but which we shall also never forget in the future.

This principle was that the purpose of a revolution, or of any general change in the condition of public affairs, cannot be to produce chaos but only to replace what is bad by substituting something better. In such cases, however, something better must be ready at hand. On the 30th. All the means employed in carrying on that struggle were strictly within the law as it then stood and the protagonists in the fight were the National Socialists.

Before the new State could be actually established and promulgated, the idea of it and the model for its organization had already existed within the framework of our party. All the fundamental principles on which the new Reich was to be constructed were the principles and ideas already embodied in the National Socialist Party. As a result of the constitutional struggle to win over our German fellow-countrymen to our side the party had established its predominance in the Reichstag and for a whole year before it actually assumed power it already had the right to demand this power for itself, even according to the principles of the parliamentary-democratic system. But it was essential for the National Socialist Revolution that this party should put forward demands which of themselves would involve a real revolutionary change in the principles and institutions of government hitherto in force.

When certain individuals who were blind to the actual state of affairs thought that they could refuse to submit to the practical application of the principles of the movement which had been entrusted with the government of the Reich, then, but not until then, the party used an iron hand to make these illegal disturbers of the peace bend their stubborn necks before the laws of the new National Socialist Reich and Government. With this act the National Socialist Revolution came to an end. For as soon as the party had taken over power, and this new condition of affairs was consolidated, I looked upon it as a matter of course that the Revolution should be transformed into an evolution. The new development which now set in, however, meant that there had to be a new orientation not merely of our ideas but also in regard to the practical policy which we had to carry out.

Even today certain individuals who have fallen in the march of events refuse to adapt themselves to this change. They cannot understand it because it is beyond their mental horizon or outside the sphere of their egotistic interests. Our National Socialist teaching has undoubtedly a revolutionizing effect in many spheres of life and has interfered and acted under the revolutionary impulse. The main plank in the National Socialist program is to abolish the liberalistic concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by the bond of its common blood.

A very simple statement; but it involves a principle that has tremendous consequences. This is probably the first time and this is the first country in which people are being taught to realize that, of all the tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity of the blood which God has given it. And thus it happens that for the first time it is now possible for men to use their God-given faculties of perception and insight in the understanding of those problems which are of more momentous importance for the preservation of human existence than all the victories that may be won on the battlefield or the successes that may be obtained through economic efforts. It is not for men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races, but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard its work of creation.

Unspeakable suffering and misery have come upon mankind because they lost this instinct which was grounded in a profound intuition; and this loss was caused by a wrong and lopsided education of the intellect. Among our people there are millions and millions of persons living today for whom this law has become clear and intelligible. What individual seers and the still unspoiled natures of our forefathers saw by direct perception has now become a subject of scientific research in Germany. And I can prophesy here that, just as the knowledge that the earth moves around the sun led to a revolutionary alternation in the general world-picture, so the blood-and-race doctrine of the National Socialist Movement will bring about a revolutionary change in our knowledge and therewith a radical reconstruction of the picture which human history gives us of the past and will also change the course of that history in the future.

And this will not lead to an estrangement between the nations; but, on the contrary, it will bring about for the first time a real understanding of one another. At the same time, however, it will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under the mask of honest world-citizens, and thus gaining power over these nations. We feel convinced that the consequences of this really revolutionizing vision of truth will bring about a radical transformation in German life. For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling attraction of this inner feeling.

Innumerable prejudices have been broken down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical, religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle. For the past four-and-a-half years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea. Just as on January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated and promulgated by the party.

When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest moments to be remembered during our lives. Like a blast of springtime it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new Reich. Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German history were removed and cleared away.

May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never before had? So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships; but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical transformation has taken place and has produced results which are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy has any meaning at all. With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general.

By this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership of the nation. In making this selection no consideration will be given to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions of leadership. In this country that principle will have its political counterpart. Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid.

And that is no theory. In the present National Socialist Germany it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course. I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have been called to be their leader, come from the people. All the millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks.

And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and not the interests of one class or another. The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class which will have no rights in the future.

Its aim has been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied such rights. We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them to the level of enslaved workers. Our aim has been to educate slaves to be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German; and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration.

If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before them. From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow and condemned to enforced lab our there.

He will then yearn for hisday of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now thinks that his turn has come to play the despot. Therefore the National Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility by organizing the various classes into one national unit. The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life.

And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any predominant position in our national economic system. In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood, and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making the idea of this community understood among the public, lies the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution. Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour. That is why the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks, without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost.

They were superseded by a better ideal. A new movement took their place. A reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations of employers and employees. The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, not—as in 1918 or 1919—through a resolution voted by a committee appointed to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend on the results of a prize competition.

Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his national resurgence on land and sea and in the air. There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the German people have understood the significance of this change and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again to the democratic form of government as the institution which is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name of the people than I have. Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I may enumerate the following: — 1 Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself.

Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements. But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect. This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide.

The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down. But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental.

They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better. It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma.

All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice. There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion.

This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant. This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear.

Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state. In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property.

The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks. In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race.

Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people. The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole. As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed.

The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population. I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success.

The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed. After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking.

I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome. In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse?

The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once. Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and wreaked terrible havoc among them. It must give rise to unlimited faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years War to less than four millions.

Let us also remember that this once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated, that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number. The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life. The fields were ploughed once more.

Русский большевизм есть только новая, свойственная XX веку попытка евреев достигнуть мирового господства. О руководстве Искусство истинно великого народного вождя заключается в том, чтобы не дробить внимания народа, а концентрировать его всегда против одного единственного противника. Уметь формировать идеи еще не значит уметь руководить. Одна гениальная идея важнее, чем целая жизнь, заполненная бюрократической работой. Пока я руковожу партией, она не будет дискуссионным клубом для безродных литераторов и салонных большевиков. Симпатии людей легче завоевать устным, чем печатным словом. Всякое великое движение на земле обязано своим ростом великим ораторам, а не великим писателям. Кто лишен страстности, у кого уста сомкнуты, того небеса не избрали вестником их воли. О борьбе Судьбу всего сущего я вижу в борьбе. Уклониться от борьбы не может никто, если не хочет погибнуть.

С тех пор, как Земля вращается вокруг солнца, пока существует холод и жара, буря и солнечный свет, до тех пор будет существовать и борьба. В том числе среди людей и народов. Если бы люди остались жить в раю, они бы сгнили. Человечество стало тем, что оно есть, благодаря борьбе. Война — естественное и обыденное дело. Война идёт всегда и повсюду. У неё нет начала, нет конца. Война — это сама жизнь. Война — это отправная точка. Бороться я могу лишь за то, что я люблю.

Любить могу лишь то, что я уважаю, а уважать лишь то, что я по крайней мере знаю. О нации Нет такой нации, которая не могла бы возродиться. Национальное чувство ни в коем случае не является идентичным с династическим патриотизмом. Мононациональное государство в течение удивительно долгих периодов может переносить режим плохого управления, не погибая при этом. Упрочение немецкой народности предполагает уничтожение Австрии. О человеческих проявлениях Отчаянная борьба за существование, которую ты только что вел сам, зачастую убивает в тебе всякое сострадание к тем, кому выбиться в люди не удалось. Люди бывают склонны приносить жертвы лишь тогда, когда они могут действительно ждать успеха, а не тогда, когда бесцельность этих жертв очевидна. Умный человек всегда отличался от барана именно тем, что мог выслушать все, что угодно, но при этом составить свое независимое мнение. Критика — самовыражение неудачников. Чем грандиознее ложь, тем легче ей готовы поверить.

Если говорить неправду достаточно долго, достаточно громко и достаточно часто, люди начнут верить. Рядовые люди скорее верят большой лжи, нежели маленькой. Это соответствует их примитивной душе. Они знают, что в малом они и сами способны солгать, ну а уж очень сильно солгать они, пожалуй, постесняются. Большая ложь даже просто не придет им в голову. Вот почему масса не может себе представить, чтобы и другие были способны на слишком уж чудовищную ложь, на слишком уж бессовестное извращение фактов.

Зигмунд Фрейд Wir streben mehr danach, Schmerz zu vermeiden als Freude zu gewinnen. Мы больше стремимся к тому, чтобы избегать боли, нежели к тому, чтобы ощущать радость. Мужчину легко узнать, женщина же не выдает своей тайны. Прекрасно то, что нравится, даже не вызывая интереса. Иммануил Кант Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen. Имей мужество использовать свой собственный разум. Нужно думать, как единицы, и говорить, как большинство. Постоянны только изменения. Die Freunde nennen sich aufrichtig. Die Feinde sind es. Друзьями себя называют. Врагами — являются. Прощать и забывать, значит выбрасывать ценный опыт в окно. Артур Шопенгауэр Wir denken selten an das, was wir haben, aber immer an das, was uns fehlt. Мы редко думаем о том, что имеем, но всегда о том, чего нам не хватает. Все наши беды от того, что мы не можем быть одиноки. Границы языка — это границы мира. О том, о чем нельзя говорить, нужно молчать. Редко, когда человек знает, во что же он на самом деле верит. Нельзя оскорбить того, кто не хочет быть оскорбленным. Два величайших тирана в мире: Случай и Время.

Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера

Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал, как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге. Главная» Новости» Цитаты гитлера на немецком. Die nationalsozialistische Bewegung. 1. Kapitel: 2. Kapitel: 3. Kapitel: 4. Kapitel: 5. Kapitel: 6. Kapitel: Weltanschauung und Partei. 409 Der Staat. 425 Staatsangehöriger und Staatsbürger. 488 Persönlichkeit und völkischer Staatsgedanke.

Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939

Ответы : Что тут говорит Гитлер? На немецком пожалуйста	Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком	немецкий непальский нидерландский норвежский ория панджаби персидский польский португальский пушту руанда румынский русский самоанский себуанский сербский сесото сингальский синдхи словацкий словенский сомалийский суахили суданский таджикский тайский.
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg	Крылатые фразы Гитлера. Высказывание Гитлера на немецком.

Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера

September 1939 [sic] im Deutschen Reichstag es schon ausgesprochen. We see clearly that this war could only end with the extermination of the Germanic peoples, or that Jewry must disappear from Europe. I already said it on September 1, 1939 [sic] in the German Reichstag... For once all the others will not bleed to death alone; for once the ancient Jewish law will come into play: an eye for an eye; a tooth for a tooth. The Bolshevist monster, to which they want to deliver the European nations, will someday tear them and their people to pieces. The Jew will not however exterminate the European peoples, rather he will be the victim of his own plot. I have also left no doubt that, if the nations of Europe are again to be regarded as mere shares to be bought and sold by those international money and finance conspirators, then that race, Jewry, which is the real guilty party in this murderous struggle, will be saddled with the responsibility. I also made it clear that this time, not only would millions of children of European Aryan races starve, not only would millions of grown men meet their death, and not only would millions of women and children be burned or bombed to death in the cities, but that the real culprit would atone for his guilt, even if by more humane means.

It would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort truth so infamously.

Even though the facts which prove this to be so may be brought clearly to their minds, they still doubt and waver and will continue to think that there may be some other explanation. For the grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it has been nailed down, a fact which is known to all expert liars in this world and to all who conspire together in tha art of lying. These people know only too well how to use falsehood for the basest purposes. From time immemorial, however, the Jews have known better than any others how falsehood and calumny can be exploited. Is not their very existance founded on one great lie, namely, that they are a religious community, whereas in reality they are a race? And what a race! One of the greatest thinkers that mankind has produced has branded the Jews for all time with a statement which is profoundly and exactly true.

If this can be successfully done by the economic leaders themselves, that is to say by the industrialists, then we are content. But if they fail the folk-community, which in this case means the State, is obliged to step in for the purpose of seeing that the working energies of the nation are employed in such a way that what they produce will be of use to the nation, and the State will have to devise the necessary measures to assure this. In this respect the State may do everything; but one thing it cannot do—-and this was the actual state of affairs we had to face—-is to allow 12.

For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what gives money its value. This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production I increase the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out. Members of the Reichstag: Within the past four years we have increased German production to an extraordinary degree in all branches. And the whole German nation benefits by this increase. For it there is a demand today for very many million tons of coal more than formerly, this is not for the purpose of superheating the houses of a few millionaires to a couple of thousand degrees, but rather because millions of our German countrymen are thus enabled to purchase more coal for themselves with their increased income. By giving employment to millions of German workers who had hitherto been idle, the National Socialist Revolution has brought about such a gigantic increase in German production. That rise in our total national income guarantees the market value of the goods produced. And only in such cases where we could not increase this production, owing to certain conditions that were beyond our control, there have been shortages from time to time; but these bear no proportion whatsoever to the general success of the National Socialist struggle.

The four-year plan is the most striking manifestation of the systematic way in which our economic life is being conducted. In particular this plan will provide permanent employment in the internal circulation of our economic life for those masses of German lab our that are now being released from the armament industry. One sign of the gigantic economic development which has taken place is that in many industries today it is quite difficult to find sufficient skilled workmen. I am thankful that this is so; because it will help to place the importance of the worker as a man and as a working force in its proper light; and also because in doing so—though there are other motives also—we have a chance of making the activities of the party and its unions better understood and thus securing stronger and more willing support. Seeing that we insist on the national importance of the function which our economic system fulfils, it naturally follows that the former disunion between employer and employee can no longer exist. But the new State will not and does not wish to assume the role of entrepreneur. It will regulate the working strength of the nation only in so far as such regulation is necessary for the common good. And it will supervise conditions and methods of working only in so far as this is in the interests of all those engaged in work. Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize economic life. The economic effects that follow from every real and practical initiative benefit the people as a whole.

At the present moment an inventor or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community. For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life, strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists State repudiates the right of economic coercion. Above all contracting parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests of the people. The practical results of this economic policy of ours are already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic. While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense.

Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded. The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary to take the child from the control of that small cell of social life which is the family and entrust his further training to the community itself. The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all, it has made this education independent of the question of age. In other words, the education of the individual can never end. Therefore it is the duty of the folk-community to see that this education and higher training must always be along lines that help the community to fulfil its own task, which is the maintenance of the race and nation.

For that reason we must insist that all organs of education which may be useful for the instruction and training of the people have to fulfil their duty towards the community. Such organs or organizations are: Education of the Youth, Young Peoples Organization, Hitler Youth, Lab our Front, Party and Army—all these are institutions for the education and higher training of our people. The book press and the newspaper press, lectures and art, the theatre and the cinema, they are all organs of popular education. What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in this sphere is astounding. Think only of the following: — The whole body of our German education, including the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of our own race. Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world. Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the nation.

German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and constructive will of this epoch. It is very remarkable how the German people have become immune from those destructive tendencies under which another world is suffering. Many of our organizations which were not understood at all a few years ago are now accepted as a matter of course: the Young people, the Hitler Youth, BDM. This consolidation of the internal life of our German nation also establishes a united front towards the outside world. I believe that it is here that the National Socialist Revival has produced the most marvelous results. Four years ago, when I was entrusted with the Chancellorship and therewith the leadership of the nation, I took upon myself the bitter duty of restoring the honour of a nation which for fifteen years had been forced to live as a pariah among the other nations of the world. The internal order which we created among the German people offered the conditions necessary to reorganize the army and also made it possible for me to throw off those shackles which we felt to be the deepest disgrace ever branded on a people. It was not the occasion of taking anything from anybody or causing any suffering to anybody. Second: I now state here that, in accordance with the restoration of equality of rights, I shall divest the German Railways and the Reichsbank of the forms under which they have hitherto functioned and shall place them absolutely under the sovereign control of the Government of the German Reich. Third: I hereby declare that the section of the Versailles Treaty which deprived our nation of the rights that it shared on an equal footing with other nations and degraded it to the level of an inferior people found its natural liquidation in virtue of the restoration of equality of status.

Fourth: Above all, I solemnly withdraw the German signature from that declaration which was extracted under duress from a weak government, acting against its better judgment. Members of the German Reichstag: The revindication of the honour of the German people, which was expressed outwardly in the restoration of universal military service, the creation of a new air force, the reconstruction of a German navy and the reoccupation of the Rhineland by our troops, was the boldest task that I ever had to face and the most difficult to accomplish. Today I must humbly thank Providence, whose grace has enabled me, who was once an unknown soldier in the War, to bring to a successful issue the struggle for the restoration of our honor and rights as a nation. I regret to say that it was not possible to carry through all the necessary measures by way of negotiation. But at the same time it must be remembered that the honor of a people cannot be bartered away; it can only be taken away. And if it cannot be bartered away it cannot be restored through barter; it must simply be taken back. That I carried out the measures which were necessary for this purpose without consulting our former enemies in each case, and even without informing them, was due to my conviction that the way in which I chose to act would make it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, for they would have had to accept them in any case. I should like to add here that, at all this has now been accomplished, the so-called period of surprises has come to an end. As a State which is now on an equal juridical footing with all the other States, Germany is more conscious than ever that she has a European task before here, which is to collaborate loyally in getting rid of those problems that are the cause of anxiety to ourselves and also to the other nations. If I may state my views on those general questions that are of actual importance today, the most effective way of doing so will be to refer to the statements that were recently made by Mr.

Eden in the British House of Commons. At this point I should like to express my sincere thanks for the opportunity which has been given me by the outspoken and noteworthy declarations made by the British Foreign Secretary. I think I have read those statements carefully and have understood them correctly. Of course, I do not want to get lost among the details, and so I should like to single out the leading points in Mr. In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the time. What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants to pursue a policy of isolation? If this a such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated.

During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions. Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions. I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe. The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors.

Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity. In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down.

Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal?

I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen.

For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different.

The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account.

Армия мне лжет! Все мне лгут, даже СС! Was Sie da sagen, ist ungeheuerlich. Sie ist ohne Ehre! У них нет чести!

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