Eugene Debs was born in Terre Haute, Indiana on November 5, 1855, to the family of French immigrants from Alsace, Jean Daniel and Marguerite Mari Bettrich Debs. Владелец сайта предпочёл скрыть описание страницы. Текст научной работы на тему «История злоключений Юджина Дебса или как американское правительство боролось с «Пятой колонной» в годы первой мировой войны».
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На покрытие этих и других расходов у Дебса часто уходили все его сбережения. В пору кризиса для покрытия долгов профсоюзных организаций Дебсу приходилось брать кредит на своё имя. Высказывания Дебса[ править править код ] «Пока существует низший класс — я к нему отношусь, пока есть преступники — я один из них, пока хоть одна душа томится в тюрьме — я не свободен». Хроника жизни Ю.
Дебса[ править править код ] Виктор Юджин Дебс 5 ноября 1855 года в г. Конец 1875 г. Терре-Хот по избирательному списку от демократов. Забастовка длится 18 дней. Владельцы железной дороги удовлетворяют все требования бастующих рабочих.
По приказу президента США Г. Кливленда забастовка была подавлена федеральными войсками. Джирарде, штат Канзас. В 1908 и 1912 гг. Лудлоу, штат Колорадо; призывает рабочих к сопротивлению.
Дебс совершает турне по стране, выступает против войны в Европе, за установление мира между народами, против подготовки США к вступлению в Первую мировую войну. Публикует много сильных антивоенных статей. В этой победе он видел приближение окончания войны, усиление социалистического движения в США. Дебс опубликовал статью «Душа русской революции». Дебс произносит свою знаменитую антивоенную речь в г.
Кантоне, штат Огайо, на съезде социалистов.
He claimed to only vote for black candidates, yet refused to vote Jade Simmons for President even though she was on his ballot. Besides, voting solely by race is in fact racism. Rosenbaum, and known to you by her pen name Ayn Rand, was born in 1905. After the Soviet revolution she fled with her family to Yevpatoria in Crimea, under the control of White counterrevolutionaries.
She finished high school there. By free education, did you mean college, or seizing her parents business, nearly starving her and her family to death, expelling her from college because she was from a bourgeois background, allowing her to reenroll after complaints from visiting foreign scientists….? Sure, that was quite an education, but I would scarcely call it free. I am real. That is an objective fact.
Whether you exist is a matter of opinion. Or is it the other way around? Try logically disproving solipsism or the matrix. Good luck! Your failure to answer followup questions digging into your claims is the most notable fact so far.
Your ideas fail when really examined. I have read more than one biography of Rand. The events you list did not necessarily happen in the way you describe. Workers taking businesses from the bourgeoisie is the right thing to do. It is my hope that American workers rise up and seize the businesses of the bosses and that the government seizes the bank accounts of those bosses.
Ayn Rand called that looting. I am in favor of such looting. Robert K Stock on April 4, 2023 at 3:25 am said: I am not writing a book. I am not writing a dissertation. I am not giving a public address.
If I were then I would need to provide sources. What we are doing is having a conversation as if we are at a kitchen table drinking coffee. Follow up questions? Cite sources? Hell no!
I think you are one of the many pseudonyms used on this site. MaxZim V Zaslon on April 4, 2023 at 3:37 am said: Bubs, if you think you have no faith, why is it that you have so much faith that I am some boogeyman of yours? You seem quite convinced. You are advancing something just a technical hair short of a positive claim.
Брак и семья Дебс вышла замуж за Кейт Метцель 9 июня 1885 года. Их дом до сих пор находится в Терре-Хот, на территории кампуса штата Индиана. Лейбористский активизм Железнодорожные братства были сравнительноконсервативными организациями, предоставленными предоставлением стипендий и услуг, а не на ведении коллективных переговоров. Их девизом было «Доброжелательность, трезвость и трудолюбие». Как редактор официального журнала Братства локомотивных пожарных, Дебс изначально сосредоточен на улучшении программного обеспечения Братства на случай смерти и инвалидности. В начале 1880-х годов в работах Дебса подчеркиваются темы самовозвышения: умеренность , трудолюбие и честность.
Дебс такжепридерживался мнения, что «труд и капитал - друзья», и против забастовок как урегулирования разногласий. Братство никогда не санкционировало забастовку с момента своего основания в 1873—1887 годах, и Дебс гордилась этим рекордом. Железнодорожные компании культивировали братство и предоставление им льготы, таких как бесплатный проезд на съезды для делегатов. Дебс также пригласила президента железной дороги Генри К. Лорда писать статьи для журнала. Обобщая мысли Дебса в этот период,историк Дэвид А. Шеннон писал: « desideratum Дебса было стремлением к миру и сотрудничеству между трудом и капиталом, но он ожидал, что руководство будет относиться к труду с уважением, честью и общественностью. Дебс постепенно убедился в необходимости более единого и конфронтационного подхода, поскольку железные дороги были мощной силой в экономике. Одним из факторов влияния было его участие в Берлингтонской железнодорожной забастовке 1888 года , поражениерабочих, которое убедило Дебса в необходимости организации по ремесленному принципу. Уйдя с поста Великого секретаря Братства в 1893 году, Дебс организовала один из первых промышленных союзов в США, Американский железнодорожный союз ARU , для неквалифицированных рабочих.
Премия Юджина В. Дебса
Although it is well-known that Eugene V. Debs, Socialist Party nominee, ran for president while imprisoned in 1920, this Seattle Times story provides many interesting details. Labor leader, radical, Socialist, presidential candidate: Eugene Victor Debs was a homegrown American original. The latest and best Eugene Debs news and articles from the award-winning team at
Eugene V. Debs, the Five-Time Socialist Candidate for President Who Once Campaigned From Prison
Послевоенная разруха, голод, столетиями кочевавший по многим российским губерниям, унося десятки, сотни тысяч жизней, жёсткие санкции со стороны более развитых стран, безграмотность подавляющей части населения, сопротивление оставшихся ещё многочисленных приверженцев прежнего экономического уклада — ничто не смогло сломить волю миллионов людей в их стремлении навсегда покончить со всеми кошмарами, которые они пережили. Ничто не смогло поколебать твёрдой уверенности, отчётливого понимания того, что только напряжённым совместным трудом они смогут добиться поставленных задач. Им было не привыкать к тяжёлому и напряжённому труду.
Хотя Юджин указывал на свободу слова, гарантированную Первой поправкой к Конституции США, Верховный суд приговорил его к 10 годам заключения и лишению гражданства. Марк зачитал эту речь в рамках проекта «Голоса народной истории Соединённых Штатов» в церкви Всех Святых в Пасадене, Калифорния, 1 февраля 2007 года.
Дебс произносит свою знаменитую антивоенную речь в г. Кантоне, штат Огайо, на съезде социалистов. Вскоре последовал арест, а позже за эту и другие речи, за выступления, осуждающие американскую капиталистическую систему, за приветствия российским большевикам Федеральный суд в г. Кливленде, штат Огайо, осудил Ю. Дебса на 10 лет строгого тюремного заключения. Атланта, штат Джорджия, выступает со статьями и корреспонденциями, осуждающими пальмеровские полицейские рейды, расправы с инакомыслящими. Дебс объсняет классовую суть двухпартийной буржуазной системы: республиканская и демократическая партии — это партии капиталистического класса, финансируемые и контролируемые капиталистами ради своих выгод. Дебса из тюрьмы, но он был лишен американского гражданства. Состоялась встреча Дебса с Гардингом в Белом доме. Терре-Хот, где Дебса его приветствовали тысячи горожан, рабочих.
Debs often discussed revolution as the realization of democracy , making its promise of popular sovereignty real. But popular sovereignty is an easy ideal to abuse, making this supposed consensus too contradictory to be coherent. Were workers in democratic America no less the slaves of their capitalist masters than workers in authoritarian Germany? Debs himself often tried to appease different factions in the socialist movement to preserve internal unity, so retrospectively, it can be easy for various camps to claim him as their own. Revolutionaries can highlight his praise of the Spartacist uprising in Germany and the Bolshevik revolution. Any honest account of Debsian democracy should emphasize that Debs believed in a democratic revolution that would fundamentally remake American political and social institutions. If capital and the state formed part of an integrated social system, it was an illusion to think that the forms of democracy permitted by American institutions could be radically weaponized against capitalist power. Instead, a democratic power that might overcome capitalism had to spring from organizations substantially outside them. Eugene Debs, along with supporters and news reporters, poses for a photograph in front of the Hotel Harrington in December 1921, after his ten year sentence for speaking against World War I was commuted. Rather than simply reference American historical anecdotes, Debs and other socialists announced a future rupture in historical time, where the basic terms of political legitimacy would be refounded. The basic logic of production and distribution would have to be organized along egalitarian lines, pushed forward by large-scale industrial unions working alongside the Socialist Party. From a Marxist perspective, the call for internationalism is not simply an ethical exhortation — that we should care about others around the world, just like we care for those close to us. This global interdependence, which has only intensified in the past century, is overladen with social misery even as it produces the possibility of a higher form of life, one that moves beyond myths of race and nation to grasp the collective power of humanity in making our world and controlling our common fate. Today, that collective sovereignty often appears inconceivable in a world riven by crisis and fear. Debs was well-acquainted with both. Rather than acquiesce or seek shelter behind established power, his politics turned that fear on the ruling class.
Забастовки, тюрьмы и человечность Юджина Дебса
Despite some intuitive appeal, this nationalist strategy is a dead end for the Left. At a basic level, democratic nationalism presents the nation as bound by a shared identity and shared interests, uniting different classes behind a common project domestically and internationally. In the United States, this project has only ever been a variant of capitalist empire that, even when grafted to the cause of democracy, has been deeply inhospitable to the strategic thinking and moral fiber that can sustain the Left. Today, when the Left is often conscripted into a project to defend democracy rather than re-create it, Debs can still offer us guidance. Recalling what Marxism taught Debs can show us how the dominant themes of American democratic discourse — especially its conceptions of property, freedom, and self-rule — do not provide a foothold for a democratic left. Instead, they obscure our path toward a just society at home and abroad.
American Democracy vs. When Debs called out the absurdity of the wartime view that patriotism means dying overseas for capitalist profits while treason consists in defending workers everywhere, he showed us the proper response to nationalist ideology: not to try to hijack it for progressive ends, but to liberate us from its obfuscations. Through the ordinary electoral process, a liberal party could fulfill working-class demands by curbing the political power of business, defending democratic rights and freedoms, and guiding capitalist growth according to an inclusive sense of the public good. Most of all, Schlesinger sought to show that Marxism was as foreign to Debs as it was to America. Among the US left, he singled out Debs for praise because, in his view, Debs was always closer to liberal democratic Americanism than Marxist totalitarianism.
And as an inveterate democrat, Debs could never accept the revolutionary Marxist program of proletarian class rule, nor could he sacrifice immediate associational freedoms for the sake of historical progress, both of which threatened a totalitarian takeover of democratic institutions. Theory alone would not have brought Debs to socialism if it did not clarify his experience in the labor movement. Ultimately, Schlesinger saw Debs as a useful figure to make a broader argument about the place of the Left in progressive politics. Like Debs or so Schlesinger imagined , leftists should accept the basic justness of American democratic institutions, inhabiting a position of critical dissent that holds liberals to account without ever exercising real independent power. Debs was a democrat, but he was also a Marxist and an internationalist.
Debs, although a sworn enemy of the capitalist elites, was adamantly opposed to violence and sabotage, arguing that these actions allowed the state to demonize the socialist movement and enabled the destructive efforts of agents provocateurs. The conflict with the capitalist class, Debs argued, was at its core about competing values. They would always seek to use the law as an instrument of oppression and increase profits through machines, a reduction in wages, a denial of benefits and union busting. They would sacrifice anyone and anything—including democracy and the natural world—to achieve their goals.
He knew that corporate power is countered only through organized and collective resistance by workers forced to fight a bitter class war. Debs turned to politics when he was released from jail in 1895. Debs was a powerful orator and drew huge crowds across the country. In his speeches and writings he demanded an end to child labor and denounced Jim Crow and lynching.
As a presidential campaigner he traveled from New York to California on a train, called the Red Special, speaking to tens of thousands. He helped elect socialist mayors in some 70 cities, including Milwaukee, as well as numerous legislators and city council members. He propelled two socialists into Congress. In the elections of 1912 he received nearly a million votes, 6 percent of the electorate.
Eighteen thousand people went to see him in Philadelphia and 22,000 in New York City. He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists. Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man. At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press.
But it did not fail. Revolutions have a habit of succeeding when the time comes for them. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free. I listened to all that was said in this court in support and justification of this prosecution, but my mind remains unchanged.
I look upon the Espionage Law as a despotic enactment in flagrant conflict with democratic principles and with the spirit of free institutions. At fourteen I went to work in a railroad shop; at sixteen I was firing a freight engine on a railroad. I remember all the hardships and privations of that earlier day, and from that time until now my heart has been with the working class. I could have been in Congress long ago.
I have preferred to go to prison. I am thinking of the women who for a paltry wage are compelled to work out their barren lives; of the little children who in this system are robbed of their childhood and in their tender years are seized in the remorseless grasp of Mammon and forced into the industrial dungeons, there to feed the monster machines while they themselves are being starved and stunted, body and soul. I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood. In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men.
Дебс совершает турне по стране, выступает против войны в Европе, за установление мира между народами, против подготовки США к вступлению в первую мировую войну. Публикует много сильных антивоенных статей. В этой победе он видел приближение окончания войны, усиление социалистического движения в США.
Дебс опубликовал статью «Душа русской революции». Дебс произносит свою знаменитую антивоенную речь в г. Кантоне, штат Огайо, на съезде социалистов.
Вскоре последовал арест, а позже за эту и другие речи, за выступления, осуждающие американскую капиталистическую систему, за приветствия российским большевикам Федеральный суд в г. Кливленде, штат Огайо, осудил Ю. Дебса на 10 лет строгого тюремного заключения.
Атланта, штат Джорджия, выступает со статьями и корреспонденциями, осуждающими пальмеровские полицейские рейды, расправы с инакомыслящими.
Debs 1855 — 1926 "Years ago, I recognized my kinship with all living things, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth... While there is a lower class, I am in it, while there is a criminal element, I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free... He formed the American Railway Union, led the Pullman strike of the 1890s in which he was jailed and emerged a dedicated Socialist.
Победитель
это награда, присуждаемая Юджином В. Фонд Дебса, в Терре-Хот, штат Индиана, ежегодно с 1965 года чествует человека, чья работа соответствует д. The latest developments in Trump's legal battles are drawing comparisons to the historical presidential bids of socialist and anti-war activist Eugene V. Debs, who, despite not winning the. Labor leader, socialist, and five-time presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs (1855–1926) had a twofold relationship with the First Amendment. Trade unionist Eugene V. Debs was a major organizer of the American Railway Union and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Eugene Victor Debs (1855–1926) was a radical American trade union leader and politician.
June 16, 1918: Eugene V. Debs Speech Against WWI
Eugene V. Debs (1855-1926) was the founder and first president of the United Socialist States of America, which was the first Communist country on the planet. Enter, from stage left, the ghost of Eugene V. Debs, the most impressive socialist in American history, whose conviction for sedition was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1919. Юджин Дебс — одна из фигур, без которых невозможно представить историю не только американского, но и мирового профсоюзного движения. Not only is Sanders the obvious political successor to Debs, but the future of his candidacy may rest on the decision on Tuesday — the very anniversary of the final demise of Eugene Debs.
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An Ominous Trend
Юджин Дебс умер в октябре 1926 года, до последнего уверенный в том, что социалистическая революция может быть задержана, но неизбежно произойдет. Юджин Виктор «Джен» Дебс — деятель рабочего и левого движения США, один из организаторов Социалистической партии Америки. Юджин Дебс умер в октябре 1926 года, до последнего уверенный в том, что социалистическая революция может быть задержана, но неизбежно произойдет. 20 октября 1926) был американским социалистом, политический активист, профсоюзный деятель. Информация Новости Контакт Род занятий. TikTok for Good Реклама Developers Прозрачность TikTok Rewards TikTok Embeds.
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В 1904, 1908, 1912 и 1920 годы — Юджин Дебс выдвигается кандидатом от Социалистической партии Америки для участия в избирательной кампании на пост президента США. В 1904 году, за кандидата Дебса проголосовала всего около 20 тысяч избирателей. В 1908 году, Дебс получил около 500 тысяч голосов. В 1920 году Дебс был выдвинут снова, в этот раз находясь в заключении, и показал примерно такие же результаты, что и на выборах в 1912 году. После 1921 года, Дебс отходит от активной политики и сосредостачивается на агитационной деятельности в пользу социализма.
Yet if he does, he would not be the first candidate to run for the White House from the Big House. In the election of 1920, Eugene V. Debs, the Socialist Party presidential candidate, polled nearly a million votes without ever hitting the campaign trail. Debs was behind bars in the federal penitentiary in Atlanta, Georgia, serving a 10-year sentence for sedition.
It was a not a bum rap. Debs had defiantly disobeyed a law he deemed unjust, the Sedition Act of 1918. The act was an anti-free speech measure passed at the behest of President Woodrow Wilson. The law made it illegal for a U. By the time he was imprisoned for sedition, Eugene Victor Debs had enjoyed a lifetime of running afoul of government authority. Born in 1855 into bourgeois comfort in Terre Haute, Indiana, he worked as a clerk and a grocer before joining the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in 1875 and finding his vocation as an advocate for labor.
Ever since its founding in 1946, Janata has voiced its principled dissent against all conduct and practice that is detrimental to the cherished values of nationalism, democracy, secularism and socialism, while upholding the integrity and the ethical norms of healthy journalism. For more than seventy years now, week after week, it has continued to analyse the changes taking place in the country and the world from a socialist standpoint, and thus promote the spread of socialist ideology in the country.
Разницу в стоимости проезда он пожертвовал в фонд помощи голодающим в Советской России. На станции он сделал заявление прессе по поводу заключенных в тюрьме сторонников: «Я оставил там 2300 человек, и все они должны быть освобождены». По прибытии в Терре-Хот его приветствовала толпа из 50 тысяч человек. Однако здоровье Дебса было подорвано тюремным заключением, и, несмотря на предпринимаемые им попытки поправиться, через пять лет после освобождения он в 1926 году скончался.
Eugene V. Debs - Pioneer Rail Labor Leader
A graphic biography about Eugene V. Debs, folk hero and presidential candidate, reminds us of a time when support for socialism was strong in places like Kansas, Oklahoma, and Ohio. By Eugene DebsNovember 11, 2014 International Relations. Eugene V. Debs, labor organizer and Socialist Party candidate for U.S. president five times between 1900 and 1920.
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- The Untold Truth Of Eugene V. Debs
- Eugene Debs – Janata Weekly
- Eugene Debs - In These Times
- Юджин В. Дебс - Eugene V. Debs