Юджин Дебс — одна из фигур, без которых невозможно представить историю не только американского, но и мирового профсоюзного движения. 2023 Eugene V. Debs Award: Join us in honoring Lynne Fox. A graphic biography about Eugene V. Debs, folk hero and presidential candidate, reminds us of a time when support for socialism was strong in places like Kansas, Oklahoma, and Ohio. It’s a stewing sense of unfairness last tapped to broad affect by a couple of his political heroes: socialist presidential candidates Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas, each of whom lost five times in the early.
Юджин Дебс, «Мы пришли освобождать рабочий класс»
Over 700 had been arrested. The Pullman Co. Any advances made by an organized working class would be reversed once the capitalists regained absolute power, often by temporarily mollifying workers with a few reforms. Debs feared the rise of the monolithic corporate state. Walter Rauschenbusch, a Christian theologian, Baptist minister and leader of the Social Gospel movement , thundered against capitalism. He equated the crucified Christ with the abolitionist John Brown. That wrong is also done to us, And they are slaves most base, Whose love of right is for themselves And not for all the race. It was also a period beset with violence, including anarchist bombings and assassinations. An anarchist killed President William McKinley in 1901, unleashing a wave of state repression against social and radical movements. Striking workers engaged in periodic gun battles, especially in the coalfields of southern West Virginia, with heavily armed company goons, National Guard units, paramilitary groups such as the Coal and Iron Police , and the U.
Debs, although a sworn enemy of the capitalist elites, was adamantly opposed to violence and sabotage, arguing that these actions allowed the state to demonize the socialist movement and enabled the destructive efforts of agents provocateurs. The conflict with the capitalist class, Debs argued, was at its core about competing values. They would always seek to use the law as an instrument of oppression and increase profits through machines, a reduction in wages, a denial of benefits and union busting. They would sacrifice anyone and anything—including democracy and the natural world—to achieve their goals. He knew that corporate power is countered only through organized and collective resistance by workers forced to fight a bitter class war. Debs turned to politics when he was released from jail in 1895. Debs was a powerful orator and drew huge crowds across the country. In his speeches and writings he demanded an end to child labor and denounced Jim Crow and lynching. As a presidential campaigner he traveled from New York to California on a train, called the Red Special, speaking to tens of thousands.
He helped elect socialist mayors in some 70 cities, including Milwaukee, as well as numerous legislators and city council members. He propelled two socialists into Congress. In the elections of 1912 he received nearly a million votes, 6 percent of the electorate. Eighteen thousand people went to see him in Philadelphia and 22,000 in New York City. He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists. Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man. At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press. But it did not fail. Revolutions have a habit of succeeding when the time comes for them.
Trump running—and winning—the Presidency while sitting on his cot in state or federal prison. His bitter political enemies recognized the enormous, unfiltered power of that latter communication tool, and after he reached the White House, they exerted enormous pressure upon Twitter to begin censoring him. The notion of an American tech company restricting the political speech of a sitting American President seemed like something out of a Monty Python sketch, but it actually happened.
Meanwhile, many of his leading activist supporters and pundit allies were completely purged from that platform , blows that greatly hindered his reelection campaign. With Trump banned from Twitter in early 2021, his political standing soon ebbed away as more and more of his low-information political base gradually forgot about him. This led many observers to conclude that his time had passed and some rival would likely capture the Republican nomination in the 2024 primaries.
With such exciting new topics, the endless Trump Political Reality show had suddenly returned as popular entertainment, regaining the very high ratings it had previously enjoyed. Trump once again became the great hero of his populist Republican supporters, with recent polls showing he was drawing far more support in the 2024 primaries than all his Republican rivals combined. Indeed, some cynical observers even suggested that this outcome might have been intentional.
Perhaps the Democrats regarded Trump as the weakest Republican candidate they might face in 2024, and sought to ensure his renomination. Such a deeply Machiavellian strategy might be possible, but all of these various prosecutions and trials will surely keep Trump at the top of the news cycle from now until November 2024, whether Election Day finds him still on trial or already serving time behind bars. As of a week ago, Trump had already been facing 71 separate state and federal felony indictments.
Then he was struck by the weightiest federal charge of all, accusing him of organizing a conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election results. These days American society is deeply polarized and most of the charges against Trump will be tried in venues such as DC, Manhattan, and Atlanta where the jury-pools are sure to be heavily larded with Trump-haters. With so many dozens of serious charges against him, our 45th President seems likely to end up behind bars.
These latest indictments finally moved longtime progressive columnist and cartoonist Ted Rall into that same camp of outright Trump sympathizers. The massive vilification of Trump in such quarters indicates that those elites fear Trump as their most dangerous foe, so many voters may eventually conclude that the enemy of their enemy is at least worth a casual vote on the November ballot.
Goddard earned degrees from Vassar College and Harvard University. He lives in New York with his wife and three sons. Political Wire is one of them. To the point.
We have returned to an oligarchic purgatory. Wall Street and the global corporations, including the fossil fuel industry and the war industry, have iron control over the government. The social, political and civil rights won by workers in long and bloody struggles have been stripped away. Government regulations have been rolled back to permit capitalists to engage in abuse and fraud. The political elites, along with their courtiers in the media and academia, are hapless corporate stooges. Social and economic inequality replicates the worst excesses of the robber barons. And the great civic, labor and political organizations that fought for working men and women are moribund or dead. We have to begin all over again. And we must do so understanding, as Debs did, that any accommodation with members of the capitalist class is futile and self-defeating. They are the enemy. They will degrade and destroy everything, including the ecosystem, to get richer. They are not capable of reform. It has about 700 visitors a year. Rarely do these visits include school groups. The valiant struggle by radical socialists and workers, hundreds of whom were murdered in labor struggles, has been consciously erased from our history and replaced with the vacuity of celebrity culture and the cult of the self. There is the key to the cell in which he was held when he was jailed the first time. There is a photo of Convict No. There are gifts including an intricately inlaid wooden table and an ornately carved cane that prisoners sent to Debs, a tireless advocate for prisoner rights. I read a passage from a speech he gave in 1905 in Chicago: The capitalist who does no useful work has the economic power to take from a thousand or ten thousand workingmen all they produce, over and above what is required to keep them in working and producing order, and he becomes a millionaire, perhaps a multi-millionaire. He lives in a palace in which there is music and singing and dancing and the luxuries of all climes. He sails the high seas in his private yacht. He is the economic master and the political ruler and you workingmen are almost as completely at his mercy as if you were his property under the law. I leafed through copies of Appeal to Reason, the Socialist party newspaper Debs edited, which once had almost 800,000 readers and the fourth highest circulation in the country. Debs, like many of his generation, was literate. It became his own. He was well aware, like Hugo, that the good were usually relentlessly persecuted, that they were not rewarded for virtue and that those who held fast to truth and justice often found their way to their own cross. But there was no other choice for him: The kingdom of evil had to be fought. It was a moral imperative.
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Оффлейнер Team Spirit Магомед 'Collapse' Халилов и саппорт OG Себастьян 'Ceb' Феликс Альбер Дебс в интервью на ESL One Birmingham 2024 поделились мнениями. According to "Eugene V. Debs: an American paradox," Debs soon split with the IWW "in protest against its policies regarding the use of sabotage and ”direct action.'". Юджин Дебс — одна из фигур, без которых невозможно представить историю не только американского, но и мирового профсоюзного движения. Enter, from stage left, the ghost of Eugene V. Debs, the most impressive socialist in American history, whose conviction for sedition was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1919. In 1916, with World War I raging, socialist leader Eugene V. Debs wrote a short piece condemning the nationalism that had thrown soldiers into trench warfare and machine-gun slaughter. No one reading Eugene V. Debs: A Graphic Biography could doubt that authors Paul Buhle and Steve Max have accessibility in mind.
Eugene Debs
On August 29, 1895, Eugene Victor Debs penned a letter from his cell at the federal prison in Woodstock, Illinois, to the Terre Haute, Indiana Labor Day Committee. Eugene V. Debs was a US politician and a member of the Socialist Party and ran for President five times since 1900. According to "Eugene V. Debs: an American paradox," Debs soon split with the IWW "in protest against its policies regarding the use of sabotage and ”direct action.'". As a Socialist Party candidate, Debs ran for president five times in the early 1900s, twice gaining over 900,000 votes.
Ceb назвал самого опасного игрока BetBoom Team
He helped elect socialist mayors in some 70 cities, including Milwaukee, as well as numerous legislators and city council members. He propelled two socialists into Congress. In the elections of 1912 he received nearly a million votes, 6 percent of the electorate. Eighteen thousand people went to see him in Philadelphia and 22,000 in New York City. He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists. Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man. At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press. But it did not fail.
Revolutions have a habit of succeeding when the time comes for them. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free. I listened to all that was said in this court in support and justification of this prosecution, but my mind remains unchanged. I look upon the Espionage Law as a despotic enactment in flagrant conflict with democratic principles and with the spirit of free institutions. At fourteen I went to work in a railroad shop; at sixteen I was firing a freight engine on a railroad. I remember all the hardships and privations of that earlier day, and from that time until now my heart has been with the working class. I could have been in Congress long ago.
I have preferred to go to prison. I am thinking of the women who for a paltry wage are compelled to work out their barren lives; of the little children who in this system are robbed of their childhood and in their tender years are seized in the remorseless grasp of Mammon and forced into the industrial dungeons, there to feed the monster machines while they themselves are being starved and stunted, body and soul. I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood. In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men. In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: it cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity. I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all. This order of things cannot always endure.
I have registered my protest against it. I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone. There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth. There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause. They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order.
In the elections of 1912 he received nearly a million votes, 6 percent of the electorate. Eighteen thousand people went to see him in Philadelphia and 22,000 in New York City. He terrified the ruling elites, who began to institute tepid reforms to attempt to stanch the growing support for the socialists.
Debs after the 1912 election was a marked man. At first they were opposed by the people and denounced by the press. But it did not fail. Revolutions have a habit of succeeding when the time comes for them. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free. I listened to all that was said in this court in support and justification of this prosecution, but my mind remains unchanged. I look upon the Espionage Law as a despotic enactment in flagrant conflict with democratic principles and with the spirit of free institutions. At fourteen I went to work in a railroad shop; at sixteen I was firing a freight engine on a railroad. I remember all the hardships and privations of that earlier day, and from that time until now my heart has been with the working class.
I could have been in Congress long ago. I have preferred to go to prison. I am thinking of the women who for a paltry wage are compelled to work out their barren lives; of the little children who in this system are robbed of their childhood and in their tender years are seized in the remorseless grasp of Mammon and forced into the industrial dungeons, there to feed the monster machines while they themselves are being starved and stunted, body and soul. I see them dwarfed and diseased and their little lives broken and blasted because in this high noon of Christian civilization money is still so much more important than the flesh and blood of childhood. In very truth gold is god today and rules with pitiless sway in the affairs of men. In this country—the most favored beneath the bending skies—we have vast areas of the richest and most fertile soil, material resources in inexhaustible abundance, the most marvelous productive machinery on earth, and millions of eager workers ready to apply their labor to that machinery to produce in abundance for every man, woman, and child—and if there are still vast numbers of our people who are the victims of poverty and whose lives are an unceasing struggle all the way from youth to old age, until at last death comes to their rescue and lulls these hapless victims to dreamless sleep, it is not the fault of the Almighty: it cannot be charged to nature, but it is due entirely to the outgrown social system in which we live that ought to be abolished not only in the interest of the toiling masses but in the higher interest of all humanity. I believe, as all Socialists do, that all things that are jointly needed and used ought to be jointly owned—that industry, the basis of our social life, instead of being the private property of a few and operated for their enrichment, ought to be the common property of all, democratically administered in the interest of all. This order of things cannot always endure. I have registered my protest against it.
I recognize the feebleness of my effort, but, fortunately, I am not alone. There are multiplied thousands of others who, like myself, have come to realize that before we may truly enjoy the blessings of civilized life, we must reorganize society upon a mutual and cooperative basis; and to this end we have organized a great economic and political movement that spreads over the face of all the earth. There are today upwards of sixty millions of Socialists, loyal, devoted adherents to this cause, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex. They are all making common cause. They are spreading with tireless energy the propaganda of the new social order. They are waiting, watching, and working hopefully through all the hours of the day and the night. They are still in a minority.
Думаю, он один из лучших на своей роли. К тому же мне приходится играть против него со стадии линий, так что я знаком с ним больше, чем с остальными. Буду улыбаться, если накажу его.
The Sedition Act of 1918, which was repealed in 1920, sought to make anti-war statements treasonous. He also criticized the government for detaining anti-war activists, as per The Washington Post. He was arrested weeks later, and many American newspapers at the time dubbed the socialist a traitor or a dictator. During his trial, Debs said he believes "in free speech, in war as well as in peace. While in prison, Debs launched his "from the jail house to the White House" campaign in 1920 after previously running for president in 1904, 1908 and 1912 as the Socialist Party of America nominee. Legal experts are expecting a trial in the Stormy Daniels case to come at a minimum of over a year away or even after the 2024 presidential campaign. Ex-president Donald Trump has been indicted for the second time this year.
Победитель
A coalition of railway owners conspired with the attorney general to issue a federal injunction against the strikers an unprecedented tactic that the Supreme Court only ruled legal after the fact , the Democratic administration called in the national guard against the strikers, and Debs was sent to jail. The episode showed Debs that when workers exercise control over both capital and their own labor at the industry-wide level, it is regarded as an overwhelming crisis, not the assertion of democratic bargaining rights. Without realizing it, the ARU was not striking for equal rights within a democratic state but at the core of capitalist power: its command of labor backed by the right to private property. Property and Freedom In his early years, Debs had accepted the sanctity of private property while insisting that labor had an equal right to shape how property was used. When Debs became a Marxist, he abandoned what is perhaps the cardinal myth of American nationalism: that private property and freedom are intimately connected. In early America, the surest route to this kind of republican freedom was private ownership of land or small capital. With open access to private property, every settler would have an equal chance to acquire property and bargain with others, creating a nexus of voluntary agreements among free and equal partners. After his encounter with Marxism, Debs came to view the right to private property not as the basis of liberty, but a title to despotism. It consists in living labor serving accumulated labor as a means of maintaining and multiplying the exchange value of the latter.
Under capitalism, the labor process that makes capital productive is designed so that the investment it represents returns a profit. Eugene Debs c. The young Debs also intuited the right goal: labor should control capital, not the other way around. If labor really wanted to control capital in the general interests of society, workers needed to challenge the institution of private property outright. In capitalism, private property primarily protects domination, not liberty. Economic liberty would not be realized in the pursuit of individual advantage but through collective self-government: participating in democratically planned production and distribution according to need. Dilemmas of Popular Sovereignty After his encounter with Marxism, Debs was adamant that capitalist society could never be made just.
Лично я обращаю внимание на Save-. Думаю, он один из лучших на своей роли. К тому же мне приходится играть против него со стадии линий, так что я знаком с ним больше, чем с остальными.
Debs spent the last five years of his life turning the USSA into the Communist country he had worked for. This, however, was difficult in the state that the economy was in, so he allowed some capitalist practices to remain until the country was rebuilt.
Публикует много сильных антивоенных статей. В этой победе он видел приближение окончания войны, усиление социалистического движения в США. Дебс опубликовал статью «Душа русской революции». Дебс произносит свою знаменитую антивоенную речь в г. Кантоне, штат Огайо, на съезде социалистов. Вскоре последовал арест, а позже за эту и другие речи, за выступления, осуждающие американскую капиталистическую систему, за приветствия российским большевикам Федеральный суд в г. Кливленде, штат Огайо, осудил Ю. Дебса на 10 лет строгого тюремного заключения. Атланта, штат Джорджия, выступает со статьями и корреспонденциями, осуждающими пальмеровские полицейские рейды, расправы с инакомыслящими. Дебс объясняет классовую суть двухпартийной буржуазной системы: республиканская и демократическая партии — это партии капиталистического класса, финансируемые и контролируемые капиталистами ради своих выгод.
Юджин В. Дебс - Eugene V. Debs
For most of the 1880s, Debs continued to preach the virtues of industrial cooperation and to discourage confrontations with either employers or the government. The standard biography of Eugene Debs is Nick Salvatore’s Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982). Eugene V. Debs (1855-1926) was the founder and first president of the United Socialist States of America, which was the first Communist country on the planet.
Eugene V. Debs, the Five-Time Socialist Candidate for President Who Once Campaigned From Prison
After his release from prison, Debs was one of the most important figures in the American labor movement at the turn of the century. He was instrumental in founding the Socialist Party of America and was an early founding member of the radical trade union Industrial Workers of the World. Labor Problems in America 1940. Between 1900 and 1916, Debs ran for president four times: once as the candidate for the Social Democratic Party in 1900; and then as the candidate for the Socialist Party of America in 1904, 1908, and 1912. Presidential Library. Woodrow Wilson, the victor of the election, would prove to be a tenacious antagonist to American socialists in the years to come. The Speech, Arrest, and Trial On June 16, 1918, while on his way to the Ohio state Socialist convention in Canton, Debs stopped to deliver a speech outside the Stark County Workhouse, where three local leaders of the Socialist Party were imprisoned for opposing the draft. Debs spent the following two hours speaking in front of a crowd of 1,200, which included plain clothes agents of the Justice Department , who circulated through the crowd demanding to inspect the draft cards of audience members. Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs 1948. Supreme Court which had recently struck down a law against child labor , and generally called for the abolishment of capitalism in the United States and world as a whole.
The speech concluded without incident; Debs continued on to the state convention, and the audience dispersed and returned to their homes. Two weeks later, in Cleveland, Eugene Debs was arrested by U. I admit it. Gentlemen, I abhor war. United States, 249 U. Debs was convicted of violating the Espionage Act and sentenced to ten years in federal prison.
Никто не добился такого результата за 30-летнюю историю индустрии развлечений, как я всего за два года после создания NewJeans. Но HYBE пытается убить того, кто сделал то, что сделала я, будучи главой дочерней компании». Она добавила: «Какой мой грех?
Я думаю, что мой грех только в том, что я делаю свою работу хорошо». Я не говорю о них ничего плохого. Участницы невиновны. Это взрослые согрешили. Они просто скопировали все формулы, которые мы использовали с NewJeans. Очевидно, что ADOR будут сравнивать с тем, что сделали они. Им никогда не следовало использовать систему с несколькими лейблами, а следовало просто сделать то, что делают SM и YG. Когда кто-то копирует кого-то и делает это хорошо, это всех расстраивает. Это разрушает всю индустрию.
Это наносит ущерб ценности акционеров. Меня не волнует, что меня ругают, но я чувствую облегчение от того, что сегодня могу говорить обо всем. Все должно измениться». Все, о чем я могу думать, это о том, что они пытаются убить NewJeans. Они делают нашу вещь устаревшей. Зачем им это делать, когда мы в одной команде? Дело даже не в уважении творческих прав. Зачем вам это копировать? Действительно, это так.
Вы не можете отличить их друг от друга. Эти намерения настолько нечисты. Мы дебютировали группу на мероприятии Chanel. Это не было с подачи HYBE. Я хочу извиниться за то, что беспокою их. Но в любом случае мы дебютировали с Chanel, но это не было нашей целью. Просто это мероприятие проходило перед телешоу, и я подумала, что это может быть что-то новое. Они просто использовали нашу формулу. Разве это не намеренно?
In response to vituperative opposition, Congress passed the Espionage Act, which made it unlawful to incite active opposition to U. Federal agents arrested scores of Socialists, Wobblies and other dissidents who dared to speak out. Rising from his sick bed, Debs delivered a series of antiwar speeches; he was arrested, charged with impeding the war effort, convicted and sentenced to 10 years in federal prison. In the eyes of many, it was one of his finest moments. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class I am in it, while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free. Harding, a Republican, freed Debs and 23 other prisoners of conscience. But the socialist ideal lived on, inspiring a new generation of social reformers in the 1930s who, under the banner of the New Deal, enacted most of the programs and policies called for in the Socialist Party platform of 1912. It was not the socialist commonwealth, but it was a genuine achievement—one for which Debs and his followers legitimately could claim some credit.
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OPINION: A day with Eugene Debs
Вскоре последовал арест, а позже за эту и другие речи, за выступления, осуждающие американскую капиталистическую систему, за приветствия российским большевикам Федеральный суд в г. Кливленде, штат Огайо, осудил Ю. Дебса на 10 лет строгого тюремного заключения. Атланта, штат Джорджия, выступает со статьями и корреспонденциями, осуждающими пальмеровские полицейские рейды, расправы с инакомыслящими. Дебс объсняет классовую суть двухпартийной буржуазной системы: республиканская и демократическая партии — это партии капиталистического класса, финансируемые и контролируемые капиталистами ради своих выгод. Дебса из тюрьмы, но он был лишен американского гражданства. Состоялась встреча Дебса с Гардингом в Белом доме. Терре-Хот, где Дебса его приветствовали тысячи горожан, рабочих. После тюрьмы здоровье Дебса было подорвано. Свой договор он выполнил.
Прибыв на вокзал, он отказался от роскошного пульмановского вагона, заняв вместо этого более скромное место. Разницу в стоимости проезда он пожертвовал в фонд помощи голодающим в Советской России. На станции он сделал заявление прессе по поводу заключенных в тюрьме сторонников: «Я оставил там 2300 человек, и все они должны быть освобождены». По прибытии в Терре-Хот его приветствовала толпа из 50 тысяч человек. Однако здоровье Дебса было подорвано тюремным заключением, и, несмотря на предпринимаемые им попытки поправиться, через пять лет после освобождения он в 1926 году скончался.
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He was a regular attendee where he was chosen to represent the Terre Haute lodge. For this reason, Debs became a great figure both in the community and several movements. Early in 1894, Eugene joined Pullman Strike where he was dissatisfied with several workers who manufactured train cars. The Pullman Palace Car Company made the autos. The employees joined up with him where they participated in a strike. As a result, hundreds of strikers were killed, and millions of properties were destroyed. Overall, Eugene was arrested for his involvement where he was sent to prison. While serving his jail term, Debs came to love socialist ideologies. Before his release, he read countable books and letters from the socialism field. He was later released in 1895 where he played a prominent role in the Social Democracy of America.