Евгений Биятов/РИА Новости. Владимир Путин передал крупнейший автодилерский холдинг России «Рольф» под управление Росимущества.
190 лыжников приняли участие в Большом альпинистском лыжном марафоне
На «Тополь-М» в космос! Новости российской ракетной техники. Политика и политики 5502 новостей от Русской Испании. Полный календарь Russialoppet 2024. Даты, гонки, треки дистанций, наборы высоты, советы и видео.
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Первое, по мнению члена комитета по обороне нижней палаты российского парламента генерал-лейтенант запаса Андрея Гурулёва , заключается в истощение украинских войск. Кроме того, оборонная промышленность России должна «обеспечить фронт с избытком». Также дипломат добавил, что на сегодняшний момент визы для главы российского МИД и сопровождающих его лиц для участия в Совбезе ООН не получены.
Это лыжник, последним завершивший марафон и уложившийся в лимит времени. Среди всех лаки-лузеров на церемонии разыгрывались лыжи. Мой друг Александр стал Мастером Марафонов, но лаки-лузером стать ему не удалось. Зато он сфотографировался с четырехкратным! Также были награждены организаторы самых популярных марафонов.
Позже они наряду с остальными организаторами провели презентации своих марафонов. Если что, в Демино слоты разлетаются как пирожки. Если кто собирается, но еще не зарегистрировался , лучше с этим не тянуть.
В этом году гонка прошла в 17 раз, объединив более 300 спортсменов на различных дистанциях. Дальневосточная красота не оставит никого равнодушным! Живая легенда Ханты-Мансийска, ветеран ВОВ, многократный победитель соревнований по лыжным гонкам, марафонскому бегу, плаванию. Виктор Яковлевич отважно прошел Великую Отечественную войну.
Якобы руководители сообщества похитили миллионы долларов у его заграничных друзей, имена и фамилии которых скандальный коммерсант почему-то раскрывать отказался. Это клуб мошенников, которые работают с помощью новейших технологий нейролингвистического программирования, владеют гипнозом, которые своих же членов клуба разводят на бабки", — заявил предприниматель Валерий Немировский.
Правда, развести на деньги попытался и сам Немировский. Но не предпринимателей, а журналистов. Все началось с того, что коммерсант позвонил и сообщил о возможных обысках в Club 500, назвал время и место. Когда приехали, ни оперативников, ни блогера не было. Пришел лишь Немировский, предложил пройти с ним в офис клуба, после чего пообещал вызвать полицейских. Почему этого нельзя было сделать сразу — непонятно. Спустя несколько минут Немировский все-таки позвонил в полицию. Сотрудники приехали, стали разбираться. Из Club 500 вышел охранник, по крайнее мере так он представился, и юрист.
Он здесь отсутствует, я понимаю. В международный розыск его объявим. Нормально будет. Хочу вступить в Club 500", — говорил Валерий Немировский. Диалог длился почти час — зачастую на повышенных тонах.
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Фото: Наталия Губернаторова Еще в самом начале СВО добрые русские люди говорили про Зеленского и участь Украины, про их отношения с Западом, - поматросят и бросят, у марионеток всегда одна судьба, посмотрите на уже имеющиеся примеры. Коллективный Запад бил себя пяткой в грудь и клялся Украине в верности до гроба не уточняя чьего гроба , «хорошие русские» размазывали по лицу слезы благодарности. И вот Зеленский слетал в очередной раз в США. Раньше были фанфары, «почет и уважуха», а теперь, как выразился сенатор Эрик Шмитт «все тот же старый хлам». Чтобы совсем не расстраивался, Зеленскому дали 200 млн долларов из уже запланированных к выдаче. Новые транши и их объемы то ли согласуют, то ли не согласуют может быть в январе, а может и позже. Добрые русские люди были правы. Положение таково — уже поматросили, несут на помойку, но еще не бросили. Вопрос времени. На этом фоне на Украину был отправлен американский генерал, для разработки новой стратегии.
Пока, судя по публикациям в прессе, она выглядит так: «не оборона нынешней линии фронта, но ликвидация по возможности большего числа российских сил с минимальными потерями для собственных войск», «удержание позиций не имеет значения, главное, чтобы больше украинцев осталось в живых». То есть ни о каких «границах 1991 года» речи не идет. Речь идет о том, что вежливо называют «контролируемым отступлением с боем». До какой границы будет идти отступление? Очень важный вопрос. В общих чертах на него ответил в ходе «Прямой линии» Владимир Путин — мир наступит тогда, когда цели СВО будут достигнуты.
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The first time the helm broke down at 314 miles distance from the shore. It was fixed with the help of ropes. A little later, when captain went on night watch, he found the helm broke down again and spent 1,5h fixing it. The remaining 54 miles to Cape Verde, the travellers crossed running on the motor with the sails retracted, because it was safer.
Мероприятие прошло в ресторане Берег в Москве. Как и обещали организаторы, было действительно уютно и по-людски. Для сравнения, в прошлом году собирались в углу магазина Sportmaster Pro, и это было тоже душевно, но не так комфортно. Мероприятию предшествовал просмотр близлежащей лыжной трассы, но я туда не пошел, зато одним из первых пришел в ресторан и занял своим друзьям лучшие места. На мероприятии угощали вкусными и сытными закусками и поили пивом, но и любителей ЗОЖ не обделили. На мероприятии было награждение в огромном количестве номинаций. Награждались марафонцы в абсолютном зачете, в возрастном, в командном и многие другие. Отмечу несколько номинаций.
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Новости. Поездка на марафон Праздника Севера 2024. Федерация лыжных гонок Удмуртии. Новости. Circus elephants received special treatment at one of the car washes in the Russian city of Vladikavkaz. How did a Russian composer get 22 Oscar nominations. РПЛ (РФПЛ, Российская Премьер-Лига): новости первенства, трансферы, турнирная таблица, календарь игр/расписание, онлайн-трансляции матчей Чемпионата России по футболу. Теперь новости RT доступны и на русском.
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The current level of cooperation between Russia and the European Union does not correspond to current global challenges, above all making our shared continent more competitive. I propose again that we work toward creating a harmonious community of economies from Lisbon to Vladivostok, which will, in the future, evolve into a free trade zone and even more advanced forms of economic integration. The resulting common continental market would be worth trillions of euros. Does anyone doubt that this would be a wonderful development, and that it would meet the interests of both Russians and Europeans? We must also consider more extensive cooperation in the energy sphere, up to and including the formation of a common European energy complex. These projects have the support of many governments and involve major European energy companies.
Once the pipelines start operating at full capacity, Europe will have a reliable and flexible gas-supply system that does not depend on the political whims of any nation. This is particularly relevant in the light of the decision of some European states to reduce or renounce nuclear energy. The Third Energy Package, backed by the European Commission and aimed at squeezing out integrated Russian companies, is frankly not conducive to stronger relations between Russia and the EU. Considering the growing instability of energy suppliers that could act as an alternative to Russia, the package aggravates the systemic risks to the European energy sector and scares away potential investors in new infrastructure projects. Many European politicians have been critical of the package in their talks with me.
We should summon the courage to remove this obstacle to mutually beneficial cooperation. I believe that genuine partnership between Russia and the European Union is impossible as long as there are barriers that impede human and economic contacts, first and foremost visa requirements. The abolition of visas would give powerful impetus to real integration between Russia and the EU, and would help expand cultural and business ties, especially between medium-sized and small businesses. The threat to Europeans from Russian economic migrants is largely imagined. Our people have opportunities to put their abilities and skills to use in their own country, and these opportunities are becoming ever more numerous.
In December 2011 we agreed with the EU on "joint steps" toward a visa-free regime. They can and should be taken without delay. We should continue to actively pursue this goal. Russian-American affairs In recent years a good deal has been done to develop Russian-American relations. Even so, we have not managed to fundamentally change the matrix of our relations, which continue to ebb and flow.
The instability of the partnership with America is due in part to the tenacity of some well-known stereotypes and phobias, particularly the perception of Russia on Capitol Hill. But the main problem is that bilateral political dialogue and cooperation do not rest on a solid economic foundation. The current level of bilateral trade falls far short of the potential of our economies. The same is true of mutual investments. We have yet to create a safety net that would protect our relations against ups and downs.
We should work on this. Nor is mutual understanding strengthened by regular U. Why does that system worry us more than others? Because it affects the strategic nuclear deterrence forces that only Russia possesses in that theatre, and upsets the military-political balance established over decades. The inseparable link between missile defense and strategic offensive weapons is reflected in the New START treaty signed in 2010.
The treaty has come into effect and is working fairly well. It is a major foreign policy achievement. We are ready to consider various options for our joint agenda with the Americans in the field of arms control in the coming period. In this effort we must seek to balance our interests and renounce any attempts to gain one-sided advantages through negotiations. In 2007, during a meeting with President Bush in Kennebunkport, I proposed a solution to the missile defense problem, which, if adopted, would have changed the customary character of Russian-American relations and opened up a positive path forward.
Moreover, if we had managed to achieve a breakthrough on missile defense, this would have opened the floodgates for building a qualitatively new model of cooperation, similar to an alliance, in many other sensitive areas. It was not to be. Perhaps it would be useful to look back at the transcripts of the talks in Kennebunkport. In recent years the Russian leadership has come forward with other proposals to resolve the dispute over missile defense. These proposals still stand.
I am loath to dismiss the possibility of reaching a compromise on missile defense. One would not like to see the deployment of the American system on a scale that would demand the implementation of our declared countermeasures. I recently had a talk with Henry Kissinger. I meet with him regularly. In general, we are prepared to make great strides in our relations with the U.
Economic diplomacy In December of last year, Russia finally concluded its marathon accession to the WTO, which lasted for many years. I must mention that, in the finishing stretch, the Obama administration and the leaders of some major European states made a significant contribution to achieving the final accords. To be honest, at times during this long and arduous journey we wanted to turn our backs on the talks and slam the door. But we did not succumb to emotion. As a result a compromise was reached that is quite acceptable for our country: we managed to defend the interests of Russian industrial and agricultural producers in the face of growing external competition.
Our economic actors have gained substantial additional opportunities to enter world markets and uphold their rights there in a civilized manner. Russia will comply with WTO norms, as it meets all of its international obligations. Likewise, I hope that our partners will play according to the rules. Russia is still learning how to systematically and consistently promote its economic interests in the world. We have yet to learn, as many Western partners have, how to lobby for decisions that favor Russian business in foreign international forums.
We are badly in need of broader, non-discriminatory access to foreign markets. So far Russian economic actors have been getting a raw deal abroad. Restrictive trade and political measures are being taken against them, and technical barriers are being erected that put them at a disadvantage compared with their competitors. The same holds for investments. We are trying to attract foreign capital to the Russian economy.
We are opening up the most attractive areas of our economy to foreign investors, granting them access to the "juiciest morsels," in particular, our fuel and energy complex. But our investors are not welcome abroad and are often pointedly brushed aside. Examples abound. Or take the outrageous examples of Russian businesses being denied their rights as investors after investing considerable resources in foreign assets. This is a frequent occurrence in Central and Eastern Europe.
All this leads to the conclusions that Russia must strengthen its political and diplomatic support for Russian entrepreneurs in foreign markets, and to provide more robust assistance to major, landmark business projects. Nor should we forget that Russia can employ identical response measures against those who resort to dishonest methods of competition. The government and business associations should better coordinate their efforts in the foreign economic sphere, more aggressively promote the interests of Russian business and help it to open up new markets. I would like to draw attention to another important factor that largely shapes the role and place of Russia in present-day and future political and economic alignments — the vast size of our country. I am referring not only to oil and gas, but also our forests, agricultural land and clean freshwater resources.
In the past, our vast land mainly served as a buffer against foreign aggression. Now, given a sound economic strategy, they can become a very important foundation for increasing our competitiveness. I would like to mention, in particular, the growing shortage of fresh water in the world. One can foresee in the near future the start of geopolitical competition for water resources and for the ability to produce water-intensive goods. When this time comes, Russia will have its trump card ready.
We understand that we must use our natural wealth prudently and strategically. We must never neglect the interests of the millions of Russian nationals who live and travel abroad on vacation or on business.
Директор высшей школы финансов РЭУ имени Плеханова Константин Ордов вспоминает о понятии «кэптивный банк» и допускает, что Росбанк со временем пойдет по этому пути — в составе «Интерроса» ограничит взаимодействие с ближним и дальним зарубежьем и сосредоточится на внутренних операциях: Константин Ордов директор высшей школы финансов РЭУ имени Плеханова «То есть это банк, который будет связан не с работой с населением — он, скорее всего, сразу же максимально ограничит свою рыночную активность, — а будет обслуживать интересы конкретного холдинга и конкретной компании. Мы в истории видели достаточное количество таких банков. Сейчас мы видели последние санкции, которые все больше обладают свойствами секторальными, веерными. И отсутствие персональных санкций, конечно, не может являться убедительной гарантией того, что банк не будет ограничен в своих финансовых операциях». Пока на Западе принято бороться с газом и переходить на «зеленую» энергию, для этой энергии нужна инфраструктура, а значит, и металлы. Цветные металлы пока ввозятся в Европу. Исходя из этих данных, «Интеррос» можно назвать надежным владельцем банка с точки зрения санкций.
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Москва, ул. Полковая, д. Политика, экономика, происшествия, общество.
However, we intend to be consistent in proceeding from our own interests and goals rather than decisions dictated by someone else. Russia is only respected and considered when it is strong and stands firmly on its own feet. Russia has generally always enjoyed the privilege of conducting an independent foreign policy and this is what it will continue to do. In addition, I am convinced that global security can only be achieved in cooperation with Russia rather than by attempts to push it to the background, weaken its geopolitical position or compromise its defenses. Our foreign policy objectives are strategic in nature and do not proceed from opportunistic considerations. I do not doubt that we will continue on our constructive course to enhance global security, renounce confrontation, and counter such challenges as the proliferation of nuclear weapons, regional conflict and crises, terrorism and drug trafficking. We will do everything we can to see that Russia enjoys the latest achievements in scientific and technical progress and to assist our entrepreneurs in occupying an appropriate place on the world market. We will strive to ensure a new world order, one that meets current geopolitical realities, and one that develops smoothly and without unnecessary upheaval. Who undermines confidence As before, I believe that the major principles necessary for any feasible civilization include indivisible security for all states, the unacceptability of excessive use of force, and the unconditional observance of the basic standards of international law. The neglect of any of these principles can only lead to the destabilization of international relations. It is through this prism that we perceive some aspects of U. Everyone understands what I am referring to — an expansion of NATO that includes the deployment of new military infrastructure with its U. I would not touch on this issue if these plans were not conducted in close proximity to Russian borders, if they did not undermine our security and global stability in general. Our arguments are well known, and I will not spell them out again, but regrettably our Western partners are irresponsive and are simply brushing them aside. We are worried that although the outlines of our "new" relations with NATO are not yet final, the alliance is already providing us with "facts on the ground" that are counterproductive to confidence building. At the same time, this approach will backfire with respect to global objectives, making it more difficult to cooperate on a positive agenda in international relations and will impede any constructive flexibility. The recent series of armed conflicts started under the pretext of humanitarian goals is undermining the time-honored principle of state sovereignty, creating a void in the moral and legal implications of international relations. It is often said that human rights override state sovereignty. No doubt about this — crimes against humanity must be punished by the International Court. It is important for the United Nations and its Security Council to effectively counter the dictates of some countries and their arbitrary actions in the world arena. Nobody has the right to usurp the prerogatives and powers of the UN, particularly the use of force as regards sovereign nations. This concerns NATO, an organization that has been assuming an attitude that is inconsistent with a "defensive alliance. We recall how states that have fallen victim to "humanitarian" operations and the export of "missile-and-bomb democracy" appealed for respect for legal standards and common human decency. But their cries were in vain — their appeals went unheard. It seems that NATO members, especially the United States, have developed a peculiar interpretation of security that is different from ours. The Americans have become obsessed with the idea of becoming absolutely invulnerable. This utopian concept is unfeasible both technologically and geopolitically, but it is the root of the problem. By definition, absolute invulnerability for one country would in theory require absolute vulnerability for all others. This is something that cannot be accepted. Russia will always call a spade a spade and do so openly. Eventually these threats become reality for those states that initiate such violations, for many reasons. The Arab Spring: lessons and conclusions A year ago the world witnessed a new phenomenon — almost simultaneous demonstrations against authoritarian regimes in may Arab countries. The Arab Spring was initially perceived with a hope for positive change. People in Russia sympathized with those who were seeking democratic reform. However, it soon became clear that events in many countries were not following a civilized scenario. Instead of asserting democracy and protecting the rights of the minority, attempts were being made to depose an enemy and to stage a coup, which only resulted in the replacement of one dominant force with another even more aggressive dominant force. Foreign interference in support of one side of a domestic conflict and the use of power in this interference gave developments a negative aura. A number of countries did away with the Libyan regime by using air power in the name of humanitarian support. The revolting slaughter of Muammar Gaddafi — not just medieval but primeval — was the incarnation of these actions. No one should be allowed to use the Libyan scenario in Syria. The international community must work to achieve an inter-Syrian reconciliation. This would create the conditions necessary for the Syrian leadership-announced measures on democratization. The main objective is to prevent an all-out civil war. Russian diplomacy has worked and will continue to work towards this end. Sadder but wiser, we are against the adoption of UN Security Council resolutions that may be interpreted as a signal to armed interference in the domestic developments of Syria. Guided by this consistent approach in early February, Russia and China prevented the adoption of an ambiguous resolution that would have encouraged one side of this domestic conflict to resort to violence. In this context and considering the extremely negative, almost hysterical reaction to the Russian-Chinese veto, I would like to warn our Western colleagues against the temptation to resort to this simple, previously used tactic: if the UN Security Council approves of a given action, fine; if not, we will establish a coalition of the states concerned and strike anyway. The logic of such conduct is counterproductive and very dangerous. No good can come of it. In any case, it will not help reach a settlement in a country that is going through a domestic conflict. Even worse, it further undermines the entire system of international security as well as the authority and key role of the UN. The implication of this right is that decisions that raise the objection of even one permanent member of the UN Security Council cannot be well-grounded or effective. I hope very much that The United States and other countries will consider this sad experience and will not pursue the use of power in Syria without UN Security Council sanctions. In general, I cannot understand what causes this itch for military intervention. It only lacked the demand that the armed opposition do the same as the government; in particular, withdraw military units and detachments from cities. The refusal to do so is cynical. If we want to protect civilians — and this is the main goal for Russia — we must bring to reason all participants in an armed confrontation. And one more point. It appears that with the Arab Spring countries, as with Iraq, Russian companies are losing their decades-long positions in local commercial markets and are being deprived of large commercial contracts. The niches thus vacated are being filled by the economic operatives of the states that had a hand in the change of the ruling regime. Be that as it may, we cannot sit back watch all this with Olympian serenity. We intend to work with the new governments of the Arab countries in order to promptly restore our economic positions. Generally, the current developments in the Arab world are, in many ways, instructive. They show that a striving to introduce democracy by use of power can produce — and often does produce —contradictory results. Russia has always had good relations with the moderate representatives of Islam, whose world outlook was close to the traditions of Muslims in Russia. We are ready to develop these contacts further under the current conditions. We are interested in stepping up our political, trade and economic ties with all Arab countries, including those that, let me repeat, have gone through domestic upheaval. Moreover, I see real possibilities that will enable Russia to fully preserve its leading position in the Middle East, where we have always had many friends. As for the Arab-Israeli conflict, to this day, the "magic recipe" that will produce a final settlement has not been invented. It would be unacceptable to give up on this issue. Considering our close ties with the Israeli and Palestinian leaders, Russian diplomacy will continue to work for the resumption of the peace process both on a bilateral basis and within the format of the Quartet on the Middle East, while coordinating its steps with the Arab League. The Arab Spring has graphically demonstrated that world public opinion is being shaped by the most active use of advanced information and communications technology. It is possible to say that the Internet, the social networks, cell phones, etc. This new variable has come into play and gives us food for thought — how to continue developing the unique freedoms of communication via the Internet and at the same time reduce the risk of its being used by terrorists and other criminal elements. The notion of "soft power" is being used increasingly often. This implies a matrix of tools and methods to reach foreign policy goals without the use of arms but by exerting information and other levers of influence. Regrettably, these methods are being used all too frequently to develop and provoke extremist, separatist and nationalistic attitudes, to manipulate the public and to conduct direct interference in the domestic policy of sovereign countries. There must be a clear division between freedom of speech and normal political activity, on the one hand, and illegal instruments of "soft power," on the other.
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«Russian Ocean Way» reached Cape Verde
Евгений Биятов/РИА Новости. Владимир Путин передал крупнейший автодилерский холдинг России «Рольф» под управление Росимущества. On 9 January 2016, RBTH became part of TV-Novosti whilst retaining its own distinct brand. Политика и политики 5502 новостей от Русской Испании. Политические Новости России в телевизионном формате. Смотрите видео популярных еженедельных и ежедневных новостных программ, а также политические ток-шоу.